Atomic Survivors

Pinoy Kasi : 'Hibakusha'

Michael Tan opinion@inquirer.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

"HIBAKUSHA" is the Japanese term used to refer to survivors of the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 60 years ago.

Curious about the term, I did some research and was amazed at how much has been produced about the hibakusha. One particularly fascinating article looked at how the themes of atomic bombs and the threat of nuclear war have become a distinct genre in Japanese cinema (including the "Godzilla" films!) as well as manga comics.

The more I read about the hibakusha, the more I felt that in many ways, regardless of age or nationality, we are all hibakusha, torn between wanting to remember and yet fearing the pain that comes with those memories.

Heroes, villains.

Last week, I wrote about a symposium organized by the Phi Kappa Phi at the University of the Philippines (UP) on "Truth-telling and national healing," with Dr. Ma. Lourdes Carandang as the guest speaker. Everyone agreed it was important to remember the past, but there were different views on how we should go about it.

An example comes with the Japanese occupation, which receives so little attention in our history classes and textbooks. My "memories" of the war come mainly from my mother, about the day the war broke out and people shouting, "Gyera na! Gyera na!" [The war has started!] It was about living in constant fear of the Japanese soldiers encamped right across their home. It was about Japanese soldiers coming one day and arresting her father. He was jailed at Fort Santiago and sentenced to death for being one of the leaders in the Chinese business community that boycotted Japanese goods. It was about the Americans returning and working for them as a secretary, which included censoring soldiers' letters for any mention of where they were, and for curse words.

Growing up on my mother's recollections spelled out American heroes and Japanese villains. College history lessons topped off this fare with tales of guerrilla heroes and traitorous collaborators.

Dr. Emerenciana Arcellana, professor emeritus in political science, was at the UP symposium and while she agreed that we need to remember the past, she also warned against simplistic conclusions, especially around the issue of collaborators. She reminded the audience that Filipinos were never conscripted into the Japanese Imperial Army, unlike the Koreans, for example, and that this happened in part because Filipino officials were able to negotiate with the Japanese occupation forces.

As she spoke, I thought, too, of the resistance against the Japanese, valiant to be sure, but then there was also Ferdinand Marcos and his claims to being one of the most fearless of these fighters.

'Nikkei-jin'

A more concrete example of the need to rethink the past comes with the way we look at the Japanese who came to the Philippines before the war. UP Iloilo professor Ma. Luisa Mabunay (Meloy to me from way back) dropped by my office the other day for a bit of "memory-searching," her current research interest being the Nikkei-jin, descendants of those Japanese.

When the war broke out, the Japanese in the Philippines were rounded up and placed in internment camps, like their counterparts in the United States. They were freed when the Japanese Imperial Army invaded the Philippines, and many of their men were hastily drafted into military service. Since many Filipinos at that time remember seeing their former civilian neighbors suddenly wearing military uniforms, it's not surprising they concluded all these Japanese were sent in before the war as spies.

We will never know if they were spies, but Meloy says the Japanese who came here were often impoverished, taking up jobs as gardeners, construction laborers and farmers. The largest sector among the Japanese in Iloilo province consisted of fishers from Okinawa.

After the war broke out, Filipinos understandably became quite hostile to them and toward the end of the war, these Japanese civilians suffered terribly. Meloy interviewed some of the survivors, who told her about how they fled Iloilo City, attempting to get to Leon for refuge.

Most never made it. In the hills of Cabatuan and Maasin, they found themselves trapped between American and Filipino troops. Many were ready for "jiketsu," or "self-determination," a euphemism for an honorable suicide. But the guerrilla troops got to the Japanese first, executing women and children. Survivors remember some of the children crying out after the massacre; they had survived because their mothers had shielded them with their bodies.

Vaporized

The Aug. 1 issue of Time magazine quotes one atomic bomb survivor's description of the blast as "blue-yellow and very beautiful." As she ran through the streets, she saw "people moaning from pain, with eyes popped out and intestines coming out of their stomachs."

The magazine also quotes Col. Paul Tibbets, the commanding officer for the Hiroshima mission, as he visited Nagasaki after the blast: "I saw a lot of hatred in their eyes, but I could also see that they were glad the war was over... I went up to the top of a hill where a hospital was. I saw a poor guy begging by the side of it; it looked as if he was still bleeding, and his clothes were all ripped up. I felt so sorry for him. Inside the hospital I saw a shadow on the wall-a person had obviously been walking by that wall when the bomb went off."

The atomic bomb literally vaporized people.

Those who saw World War II are now over 60. Their memories need to be retrieved and conserved for future generations. It's clear, too, the memory-keeping must come from all "sides." I've written about a photo exhibit at the Remedios church in the Malate district showing Manila at the end of the war. At the Museo Iloilo, ongoing till Sept. 30, Meloy has a photographic exhibit showing the lives of the Nikkei-jin on Panay Island. Those pictures of Nikkei-jin families and schoolchildren should become part of our memories as well.

The shadows of the dead in Hiroshima and Nagasaki should remind us, too, that we still live in another kind of terrible shadow today, that of thousands of nuclear warheads. In 1945, there were only six nuclear stockpiles, all belonging to the United States. By 1986, at the height of the Cold War, there were 65,000 known stockpiles. The tension has eased but in 2002, there were still about 20,000 stockpiles, the United States and Russia accounting for 90 percent of them.

The nuclear race continues, affecting us often in unexpected ways. This latest crisis of spiraling oil prices was set off when Iran retaliated against world pressure to stop its nuclear program.

The American pilots who dropped the bombs are hibakusha, too, their voices blending with those of the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and of the Nikkei-jin to remind us that with or without atomic bombs, war turns us all into fragile beings, ready at any time to be obliterated.

No To Cha-Cha

As I See It : No such thing as constituent assembly in Constitution

Neal H. Cruz
Inquirer News Service

A SIGN of the fear and desperation of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is that she is trying to make deals right and left with people who can help her survive politically. She is offering a deal to former President Joseph Estrada, the man she kicked out of office and from whom she stole half of his presidential term. She is also dangling an offer to the Marcoses to bury the former president Ferdinand Marcos in, of all places, the Libingan ng mga Bayani [Cemetery of Heroes]. Former President Fidel Ramos is already in her corner in exchange for her support for a shift to a parliamentary system of government to make it possible for him to return to power as prime minister. Marcos, Ramos, Estrada and Macapagal-Arroyo -- four presidents banding together for their own selfish interests and like China, we will have our own Gang of Four.

We Filipinos have a term for it: "kapit sa patalim" [literally, gripping the blade]. The desperate will do anything, even hang on to a sharp blade, to survive. Like Faustus, he or she will make a pact with the devil to get what he or she wants.

Ms Arroyo seems to be making deals with anybody willing to be bought, paying congressmen to vote against impeachment, bribing witnesses to lie, hiding witnesses who could reveal things that would damn her, and committing other illegal acts such as disbursing funds for purposes for which they were not appropriated by Congress. Has she already made bribery, cheating and lying official policies of government? I hope not, but it is beginning to look more and more like that.

Makati Rep. Teddyboy Locsin revealed that shortly before the elections, she released funds intended for the purchase of fertilizers to congressmen, including those from Metro Manila and other urban areas where there are no farms to fertilize. Those fertilizer funds, however, were really intended to fertilize not farms but pockets.

The new fund releases from the Road Users' Tax, on the other hand, are intended not for the construction or repair of roads but to run over the impeachment complaint by the administration's congressional railroad. Proof is that after anti-impeachment congressmen got their shares, Ms Arroyo suddenly stopped further releases so that pro-impeachment lawmakers won't get any.

The bankrupt government is being bankrupted even more by huge payoffs to buy Ms Arroyo's survival. Taxes from the expanded value-added tax, not yet being collected now, are already being spent. As the "Hyatt 10" group of resigned Cabinet members said, money, patronage, appointments, contracts, etc. are not spared just to insure her survival. No position on Earth is worth all that much dirt.

* * *

An indication of what will happen to us once we have a parliamentary form of government is the abuse that the House of Representatives is already committing. Knowing that the Senate is against changing the Constitution through a constituent assembly, the House went ahead and passed a resolution by itself, minus the Senate, to form a constituent assembly to change the Constitution. This despite the fact that opinion polls show that eight out of every 10 Filipinos don't want to amend the Constitution or have a parliamentary government.

We are a representative democracy and congressmen are elected to represent their districts in the House. They are supposed to follow the wishes of their constituents who are their employers. But look at what they're doing. They are disobeying their constituents and pushing Charter change just because of the ambition of their leader who wants to become prime minister by hook or by crook because he knows he cannot be elected president.

The members of the new Parliament will be the same congressmen or their relatives. So you can see what they will do in a unitary legislature where there is no Senate to check their abuses, where they, the members of parliament and not the people, will elect the head of government, the prime minister, and where even the members of the Cabinet will come from among the MPs. Thus, there will be no balance of powers among the executive, legislative and judicial branches as we have now. The people will be at the mercy of the party in power. If our honorable representatives can commit these abuses in a system where there is a balance of power, imagine what they can do when there is none.

* * *

In the first place, there is no such thing as a "constituent assembly" in the Constitution. There was one in the 1935 Constitution but none in the present one. How can the House convene a constituent assembly when it is not authorized by the Charter?

It shows that the members of the House -- not the Speaker, not the members, not even the President who also endorsed a con-ass—read the Constitution. All except Rep. Hermilando Mandanas who also told the Kapihan sa Manila forum last Monday what the other members have also not read: that any individual legislator can propose amendments to the Constitution and that he, in fact, has already filed one.

He said, however, that Charter change should be put in the back burner, as the time is not right for it. This is the worst time for Charter change, Mandanas said, because we are financially and politically unstable. The politicians are only looking out for themselves, not the people, and therefore would change the Constitution for their own benefit.

In spite of the clear opposition of the nation against Charter change, it is still possible that the present gang in the House may be able to change it. In that case, the only way to stop them, short of a revolution, is to vote against the new Charter in the plebiscite. Vote No.

Hail, Mary

Viewpoint : 'Our solitary boast'

Juan Mercado
Inquirer News Service

TIME magazine titled a recent cover story "Hail, Mary." It devoted eight pages to Jesus of Nazareth's mother.

"A Mary for All" was how the Economist bannered an earlier report. And Life magazine led off with "The Mystery of Mary." And shortly thereafter, Time did a two-page spread titled, "Mary, So Contrary."

What's going on here? After centuries of "sullen neglect … Christians of all denominations are finding their own reasons to venerate Mary," Time reports. Families, pastors and theologians, within US Protestant churches, are rediscovering the Virgin Mother.

Harvard University minister Peter Gomes notes this trend in a joke about a Protestant pastor at heaven's gates. "Ah, Professor. I know you've met my Father," Jesus says in making the introductions. "But I believe you don't know my mother."

The new appreciation of Mary stems from the very arena in which Protestants historically pride themselves most: a careful and full reading of Scriptures.

Mary stood by the Cross. And she figures in "a skein of appearances longer and more strategically placed than any other character in Scriptures," Beverly Gaventa, Princeton University professor of New Testament literature, points out.

"She is present in all key situations -- at Jesus' birth, at his death and in the Upper Room," Gaventa writes in "Personalities of the New Testament," Whether in Egypt, Nazareth or Cana, "there isn't a figure comparable to her."

The new thinkers are exploring the implications of Mary's excruciating presence at the crucifixion. She "kept Christian witness intact almost single-handedly through its darkest moment."

There are critics, Time notes. Southern Baptist Convention leaders complain their colleagues are "guilty of over-reaching."

That would baffle Muslims. Mary is Islam's most honored woman, the Economist notes. She's "the only one to have an entire chapter named after her in the Koran."

"Christians and Muslims alike see in Mary an affirmation that there is no limit to proximity of God that any human can attain," the report asserts. "Surely, that is reason enough for people of any faith to feel reverence for history's foremost Jewish mother."

The Economist cites the "wisdom" texts in Jewish and Christian scriptures and the Eastern Church's lesser-known Gospel by James. It reviews studies by Methodist Hebrew scholar Margaret Barker to Jaime Moran, religion and psychology writer.

Muslim and Eastern Christians "cherish the story of Mary's childhood in a place of supreme holiness. Both name Mary's guardian as the priest Zechariah or Zakariya."

"Catholics would tell you, rather firmly, that Mary is not a goddess," the Economist notes. "She is not worshipped but rather venerated: a human being with a unique role in praying for and protecting the human race."

That hews closely to Muslim belief.

The wisdom texts speak of a "woman clothed with the sun." And down the centuries, "heart-stopping turns of phrase" have been applied to Mary, the Economist notes. "Our tainted nature's solitary boast" was the way one poet put it.

"Shortly after Vatican II, a period of Marian silence descended," recalls Fr. Catalino Arevalo, S.J., of the Ateneo de Manila University. "We, in the Philippines, did not go through that phase."

"Churches in former communist Eastern Europe have not experienced the 'eclipse of Mary' either," notes this Filipino theologian. "What strikes a mainland China visitor, who gets in contact with Catholics there, is that veneration of Mary has never been stronger."

That "Marian silence" and "dechristianization" of Europe led the German theologian Karl Rahner to write: "Many Catholics today are going through a winter of belief."

Once known as "Christendom," Europe built the continent's loveliest cathedrals from Chartres to Notre Dame. Now, Europe suffers from a "vacuum of faith," the Los Angeles Times notes. The Gallup Millennium Survey reveals barely 20 percent of West Europeans attend church services once a week.

"When the new springtime of faith comes … the cult of Mary, the Mother of God, will return," Rahner added. "In fact, it will be its surest sign. Its form may perhaps be different, but if Christian tradition is valid, it will return."

That was in 1968. Today, Rahner's comments resound in essays by, among others, Lutheran Carl Braten: "I can't predict exactly how the (Mary rediscovery) will happen. Some of it will be good, and some may be bad. But I think it's going to happen."

Some 37 years after Rahner wrote of this "second spring," Arevalo notes, "this appears a remarkably prophetic text."

This comeback of Our Lady is seen on the dateline of stories from new Marian shrines -- Medjugorje in Yugoslavia, Akita in Japan, Kibeho in Rwanda and Cuenca in Ecuador. "News accounts fueled renewed interest in the Marian movement."

Then, there was Pope John Paul II. "No pontiff in the entire history of Catholicism has had so strong and articulate a devotion to Mary." He willed that her logo be carved on his plain cedar coffin.

If Rahner was right, then perhaps the current cover stories may be more significant than they appear, Arevalo says. Are they buds of the "the new springtime of faith," which Rahner foresaw, about to begin?

Junk EVAT

As I See It : Don't raise taxes in the midst of poverty

Neal Cruz opinion@inquirer.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

REP. Joey Salceda is right; Finance Secretary Margarito Teves is wrong. If President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo implements the expanded value-added tax (VAT) -- assuming the Supreme Court lifts the restraining order on it-it will be like she is giving up the presidency to which she is now clinging desperately. The expanded VAT will raise the prices of everything to levels beyond the reach of the poor. Then watch the angry masses get together to kick Ms Arroyo out of Malacañang. We are seeing the start of this gathering storm in the many -- though still relatively small -- protest rallies in urban areas. We are seeing and hearing this in the angry faces and voices of the poor. But who wouldn't be angry if his or her family is hungry? In fact, even middle-class families will find themselves unable to make both ends meet, and they, who have kept away from the rallies so far, will eventually join in the storming of the presidential palace.

You don't raise taxes in the midst of poverty, when the price of oil is skyrocketing. A leader would be pretty stupid to do that. A leader who does that deserves to be kicked out on her butt. The price of fuel has a chain effect on the prices of everything else that is transported and requires the use of electricity.

A sensible leader will, in fact, ease taxes during such times to provide the people relief. Leave the people with more spending money and they will boost the economy as they buy more of the goods produced by factories that will, in turn, produce more and pay more taxes. Take more money out of them in the form of taxes and the economy contracts; factories will close shop and lay off workers, and people will suffer and get very angry.

That is why we now see the paradox of the opposition. It opposed the expanded VAT in Congress and filed the petition for restraining order with the Supreme Court; it is now making a surprising turnabout and protesting the law's proposed suspension. Higher taxes will do what the opposition has been unable to do so far-kick the present occupant out of Malaca¤ang.

It is understandable why Teves is bullheaded about implementing the expanded VAT now. His primary job as finance secretary is to raise funds for the government. There is nowhere else to get those funds easily but from the people even if their pockets are nearly empty. Suspend the expanded VAT and Teves will fall flat on his face. The government will not only go bankrupt, it will fall deeper into the debt hole. In fact, Teves' stubborn stance is enough to make you believe that he is actually a secret agent of the opposition.

Other government officials and congressmen and senators who, you think, want President Arroyo to stay on longer, are actually looking out only for themselves, not the people. They are afraid that if the government does not collect the expanded VAT, it will have no money to pay their salaries, allowances and pork barrel. To hell with the people if it means doing away with their pork barrel. It seems it is only Salceda who has some sense left in him.

How will the government get funds to support itself? Do the same thing that prudent families do when their income drops. Cut on spending and do away with the non-essentials. Plant "camote" [sweet potato]. Try to earn extra income somehow without violating the law.

If the government abolishes the wasteful and corrupt pork barrel system, it will save tens of billions of pesos. If it cuts all government allowances by just 20 percent across the board, it will save billions of pesos more. If it collects the fines from drivers and pedestrians who violate traffic rules, it will be able to collect additional billions of pesos. What's more, it will restore sanity in the streets and save billions of pesos in oil bills being burned by all those vehicles creeping along in the traffic and polluting the air. If it plugs all the holes in the tax collection system and jail the tax collectors pocketing collections, it will earn more and save more. There will be no need for the expanded VAT.

The expanded VAT is the lazy man's solution to the problem of lack of funds. Instead of collecting the tax himself, the government forces others to collect it-like it does in collecting the withholding tax and the excise taxes on liquor and tobacco.

It has been the mistake of many governments, past and present, to see the people as a gold mine with an inexhaustible lode of tax money. But many governments have fallen as people revolt because of oppressive taxes. Hungry people become more desperate and reckless. We are nearing that point of despair. But as history has shown, rulers usually don't see it coming until it is too late.

* * *

It is very easy for Ms Arroyo to say that to save on fuel, we should walk more and bike more. Easier said than done. Where would you bike? Where would you walk? There are no bike lanes anywhere except around the Quezon Memorial Park in Quezon City. The sidewalks are full of parked vehicles and sidewalk vendors. Pedestrians have to walk right on the streets where they suffer the risk of being sideswiped by speeding vehicles. In some areas, like Tandang Sora Avenue, Quezon City, paved sidewalks have been totally eliminated. Thousands of students going to and from the Culiat and New Era schools have to walk right on the roadway, on the outer sides of the vehicles illegally parked along the avenue.

In areas where there are sidewalks, the pavements are uneven, with many cracks and obstacles -- even if there is a law that says sidewalks should be friendly to the old, infirm and disabled. Try walking some distance on one of Metro Manila's sidewalks and you will see how hard it is to do this -- that is, if you survive the experience. Walking on the streets of the Philippines is much more dangerous than walking in the war zones of Iraq.

Cruz's Column

Separate Opinion : A farewell salute

Isagani Cruz
Inquirer News Service

RAUL Roco and I were not particularly close, but we were more than mere acquaintances. I admired him as a lawyer and public servant, and I hope the feeling was mutual. At any rate, when I learned of his passing last week, I felt I had lost a valued friend.

There are two memories I have that speak well of him and our relationship as lawyers.

When we were still practicing, we found ourselves opposing counsel along with other lawyers in an important case involving the ownership of a bank. I cannot remember the details of the case because my records were burned with my other papers when fire struck our law office in Makati. But I do recall that several now prominent lawyers participated in the case, among them Frank Chavez and Eduardo Ceniza of the SyCip Law Office, Victor Alimurung and Hector Martinez of Siguion Reyna, Montecillo and Ongsiako, Raul Roco and Francis Jardeleza of the Angara Law Office, and I from the Laurel Law Office.

In the exchange of pleadings, I found myself pitted against Raul, who was quite combative. We had a spirited and running debate that sometimes deteriorated into angry exchanges, mostly provoked by my tempestuous adversary. In fact, there was one occasion when I reminded him, using a familiar quotation, that dirt thrown was ground lost. But despite our irreconcilable differences, we remained cordial and civil to each other.

This was not true of Raul's regard for the other lawyers on our side. In fact, there was one time when two lawyers from the opposite parties almost came to blows. This mutual animosity was heightened later when we appeared for oral argument of the case before the Supreme Court. We all came prepared in lawyers' robes but they might as well have been boxers' trunks for we were ready and rarin' to fight. There was tension between the two groups as we waited outside the courtroom for the justices to arrive.

On one side were gathered all the lawyers for the petitioners, including me. On the other side were the lawyers for the respondent led by Raul Roco. Both sides ignored each other except when they exchanged dismissive looks. Raul acted as if none of us existed, even as the lawyers on our side intentionally disregarded him.

Then, to everybody's surprise, including mine, Raul moved to our side and engaged me in casual conversation. He still ignored my companions, but he talked to me as if we were long lost brothers. Of course I was delighted. Among his many opponents, I was the one he chose to extend his camaraderie to as befitted worthy brethren of the bar. I think we gave an example to the other compañeros who might have wondered what made their enemy suddenly amicable.

The oral argument did not last long because the justices were in a hurry to take their lunch and soon adjourned the session. The case was later settled by a compromise agreement. But I will remember it with a sense of satisfaction because of Raul's affable conduct.

My other pleasant memory of Raul Roco happened when I had just been appointed to the Supreme Court in 1986 shortly after Edsa I. Many of my former students, who were then already practicing lawyers, were glad that I would be sitting on the highest tribunal and would render a fair judgment on their cases. But one lawyer had another reason for his elation. Not knowing me personally, he thought I would be easy to approach like some of the justices of the former Supreme Court under Marcos. In fact, he openly bragged that he would offer me a financial inducement I could not refuse to decide a case in his favor that was before me as ponente.

That lawyer never proved his impertinence and I was to learn why later. Raul Roco had heard of his boast and immediately summoned him to his office. There the indignant Raul lectured the suddenly abashed lawyer and warned him against his plan to try to bribe me. As reported to me by his office mates, their boss minced no words in upbraiding the culprit and caustically reminded him of his professional oath he was going to besmirch with his corruption. Most of all, he stressed on the now totally subdued offender my reputation as an honest judge and made it quite clear that he would have him disbarred if he persisted in his insolent plan. I could imagine the sufficiently chastened offender retreating in shame from the office, like a dog with his tail between his legs.

I never got to thank Raul for his kindness but I am sure he is hearing me now.

Raul Roco was a worthy man. He was a brilliant lawyer, a conscientious legislator and educator, and a valiant defender of the Constitution. He was the special protector of the common tao and of women in general. Despite the many honors he received in recognition of his high achievements, he remained a simple person faithful to his friends, devoted to his family, and obedient to his God.

I voted for him last year although I knew he was not going to win. I did not know, as I mourn for him now, that I was rendering a farewell salute to an esteemed and cherished friend.

Glo's Lapses

A trivial offense, another lapse

Inquirer News Service

IN ONE of his recent columns, Neal Cruz stated: "The fact alone that a candidate (Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo) entertained officials of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) at her home before an election is already a violation of our laws and rules of ethical conduct. No amount of media blitz or evasive answers can change those facts. She willfully violated our laws and that makes her unfit to be the leader of our nation."

Such comments have become laughable. The President remains in power despite the "Hello Garci" scandal. What makes Cruz think that this "minor" violation of the law has any bearing at all? Compared to the "Hello Garci" scandal, the dinner with Comelec officials is nothing but another trivial incident. Even if Ms Arroyo admits that she invited the whole Comelec and gave its staff "envelopes," those acts can be excused as just another social gathering and as another lapse in judgment.

Her willful violations of the law have become a common, everyday thing. She is still in power and will stay in power for as long as she likes, because in her eyes the Filipino people don't care anymore. I am sure she has even become bolder now, as can be discerned in her speeches. She and her family will keep on looting the country because the Filipinos have become uncaring victims ready to let an erring President get whatever she wants.

MARK LEE (via e-mail)

Education

Commentary : Moving forward

Edilberto de Jesus
Inquirer News Service

"THE TRUTH that I discovered from my beginnings as a neophyte politician in 1992, rising to become a veteran politician through the years, is this: over the years, our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it is very difficult to live within the system with hands totally untainted. That is the truth."

This declaration, made during her address to the nation in the wake of the controversy over the "Hello Garci" tapes, was arguably the truest statement in the speech. And the saddest, because most people have apparently accepted as truth that the contest for political office requires getting one's hands dirty. Hence, their reluctance to cast the first stone at the President, especially when many of the rabble-rousers calling for the stoning offered even more worthy targets.

But the statement also undermines the claim that talking to a Comelec official was simply a "lapse in judgment." A veteran politician would accept such acts as part of the price exacted by our political process. The lapse was in overlooking the precautions to avoid getting caught. Unfortunately, the biblical injunction against casting the first stone, which she alluded to in her speech, is not an edifying line of defense for an incumbent President.

However, whatever the reservations about the President, there is clearly a strong public consensus against any recourse to unconstitutional measures. Those who have called for her resignation appeal to her better nature to spare the country the pain of a protracted period of political uncertainty and the consequent risk of stunting its growth.

She has declined, as is her right, to take this course. The issue is clear: Can she continue to discharge effectively her responsibility to run the government and to drive needed reform measures? To the extent that she can do this to the satisfaction of the public, she maintains a measure of control over her political destiny.

The appeal, released by officials of the Department of Education to the media on July 15, to keep the department insulated from the current political controversies provides the President with a platform for implementing urgently needed reforms in the education sector, which she has said would be a priority during her second term.

The DepEd witnessed last September a seamless transition between one administration and the next, ensuring that the momentum for reform continued without disruption. If the President is interested in maintaining this momentum, she might surprise the public by appointing Undersecretary Juan Miguel Luz as the next education secretary. Luz has served the DepEd for almost three years and has been a key figure in developing the DepEd Roadmap, originating some of its most innovative components, such as the hugely successful Brigada Escuela Program.

Second, the President can present as a priority measure a bill liberating the teachers from the mandatory obligation to staff the electoral process. This inequitable and onerous burden exposes the teachers to political harassment and the DepEd to political pressures on the appointment, deployment and promotion of staff. It has also been on the list of urgent priority reforms in education for well over a decade. Surely, if the President can mobilize her allies in the legislature to defeat any impeachment move, she should be able to persuade them to pass a measure that its own Educational Commission had recommended in 1992.

Third, the President can respond to the call from various sectors to reform the electoral system, beginning with the overhaul of the Commission on Elections. She created the problems with her appointments, and she must take the responsibility of addressing those problems. Christian Monsod and Haydee Yorac proved that it was possible to clean up the Comelec and keep it clean. Is it within the President's power to convince her appointees to step down so that the process of renewal can be accelerated? Or probably not. They may find no reason to resign, since she herself would not.

Reforming the Comelec, including the automation of the electoral process, is clearly the most challenging task. But it should not be as difficult as persuading the Senate to cooperate in its own extermination by supporting the move to a parliamentary system. More important, it goes deeper toward the roots of the "degeneration" of the political system that she bemoaned in her statement. Our problem is less the form of government than the electoral system and the practices that it has spawned and that we have tolerated.

The world recognizes our claim to be a democracy, because we enjoy the right to vote for our leaders in regularly scheduled elections. But guns, goons and, increasingly, gold (which can buy guns and goons, as well as government officials, both civil and military) have figured regularly in all of our elections. A few years back, some newly elected legislators confessed to shock and embarrassment when they found out that the post-election conversation in the congressional lounge focused on the relative retail price for votes in their respective constituencies.

No one can hope to win an election now without building up a war chest to fund a campaign. It can take only one election to turn the youngest and most idealistic politician into an instant trapo, beholden to those who made his victory possible. Once elected, the trapos can use the perks of office and the position of rule-maker to free themselves from their earlier patrons and to lay the foundation for building political dynasties.

Most of the contending parties in the current political controversy ought to agree on reforming the Comelec and the completion of the automation project as priority steps. Even the snap elections demanded by some groups make sense only on the assumption of a Comelec that can be trusted to supervise an efficient electoral process.

Whether we have a presidential or a parliamentary system, as long as the electoral process and the determinants of electoral success remain the same, we will be entrusting power to the tainted hands of the same breed of trapos. The parliamentary system may be even worse, since, normally, only those who have gone through the electoral muck and won can qualify for executive positions.

The appointment of a credible leader for the DepEd, the release of the teachers from their bondage as election servants, the automation of the electoral process and the overhaul of the Comelec are necessary-although not sufficient-steps to reform the political system. Their attainment would send a clear signal of the President's commitment to a genuine reform agenda and her capacity to keep the country moving forward.

Edilberto C. de Jesus is a former education secretary.

Transport System

Pinoy Kasi : ET takes the LRT

Michael Tan opinion@inquirer.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

IF other planets had intelligent life, they'd be producing anthropologists too. And if one of those alien anthropologists ever landed on Earth and checked with me on how they could quickly gain insights into a country's society and culture, I'd tell them to check out their metros, or urban rapid mass transit systems.

Let's imagine now one of these extraterrestrial (ET) anthropologists from the planetoid Quaoar (that's close to Pluto) landing on Earth. Courtesy of a transponder, she (female anthropologists are always bolder and more insightful) becomes one of us, taking every metro on earth, the "REC" button, built into her brain's frontal lobe, busily recording everything, including her thoughts on what she sees.

Let's imagine, too, having access to the notes from one such anthropologist recounting her visits to different cities on our planet, including Manila.

Political will

Earthlings, and especially Filipinos, like to use a term called "political will," which can be loosely defined as the determination of governments to do some good for their people. It's something difficult to measure, but I'm convinced now that a country's mass rapid transits -- whether they're present or not, how many there are, how much they cost, and the conditions they're in -- can be infallible indicators of political will.

Our data banks show that the most developed countries on Earth have such systems. These systems rapidly transport hundreds and thousands of people each day from their homes to their destinations: their workplaces, schools, places of worship, as well as parks, theaters and other recreational areas. The rapid transport allows people to arrive at their destinations fresh and alert and of positive and cheerful spirit.

The best part about rapid mass transit systems is the way they help to preserve the environment. Some developed countries, like the United States, still prefer individual transport vehicles, which means paying a heavy price in terms of their dependence on processed fossil fuels from Earth. These fuels are processed into something called gasoline to run their vehicles. Although the US produces its own gasoline, its demands are so heavy it still has to import the fuels. So precarious is its dependence on a particular region on earth that it has to go to war to keep its access open to these countries. Then, too, gasoline is a major source of pollutants with serious effects on earthling health.

In so many words then, mass transit systems tell us about how governments care about people's welfare, as well as their concern about preserving environmental integrity. The political will seems to have been exerted quite early in some countries: the London Underground, for example, was inaugurated way back in 1863.

Tale of two transit systems

So what does Manila's mass transit system tell us about their leaders?

Manila and the Philippines seem to have followed the lead of their former colonial master, the United States, with little effort to develop rapid mass transit. There are thousands of private vehicles, owned mainly by the rich and the middle class, but most Filipinos have to rely on a mass transit system consisting of dilapidated buses, usually passed on after use in Japan, and jeepneys, which used to be hailed as mobile works of art but are now drab smoke-belchers using low-grade processed fossil fuel called diesel.

Both bus and jeepney drivers are themselves worthy of study. My chemical scanner kept registering extremely high levels of lead in their brains, obviously coming from the fossil fuels. The lead impairs their intellectual capacities; even worse, many of them seem to be powered by a crystalline substance called "shabu," which keeps them awake, alert and unduly aggressive. Trips on these shabu-powered jeeps and buses can be major ordeals, passengers arriving at their destinations looking like survivors of a major inter-galactic battle.

A cleaner and more efficient mass transit system is being developed in Manila. A Light Rail Transit (LRT) was inaugurated in 1984, followed years later, in 1999, by a Metro Rail Transit (MRT). The two systems total 37 kilometers and were built over more than 20 years, certainly a revealing indicator of political will.

I've taken several trips on the two metro systems and I can say it's like visiting two countries. The MRT runs through a more modern part of the city, with an upper-middle class clientele. The trains can become quite crowded at certain hours but trips are generally quiet and uneventful, passengers wrapped in their own worlds with personal sound systems called MP3 players.

The older LRT runs through a run-down part of the metropolis. The trains are falling part, maintenance neglected perhaps because it caters mainly to a lower-middle class stratum. The ordeal starts even when purchasing tickets, with long queues and people constantly trying to break into the lines while other irate commuters scream expletives in protest.

Asses

Many LRT commuters have to take the jeepney or bus before getting on the trains, and it is clear the high levels of lead in their brains have affected them -- they seem unable to understand what it takes to board a train. Every train that arrives sets off a stampede, with commuters trying to squeeze in even when it's obvious there's no more space. Once, I saw the train doors suddenly shutting with a commuter's bag caught in between. Electronic sensors automatically reopened the door, giving the commuter a chance to pull her bag back ... but in the process, three more lead-poisoned earthlings tried to jump onto the train.

Trips on the LRT are tense. I was warned not just to watch my belongings but also my ass, an English slang term for the rear part of earthling bodies. The LRT stations do have a special section for females to board but all genders eventually end up on the same train, subject to the same risks of having their asses picked or pinched.

Asses are frequently on Filipinos' minds these days. One of their newspapers recently had a front-page headline about something called the Con-Ass, accompanied by the picture of someone's behind, but I am told the Con-Ass is a different matter, that it is meant to be a grand Convention of Asses. Here, ass is used as a Filipino term of endearment for politicians, yes, the ones who exert political will and decide on mass transit systems.

But I digress, and my friend Mike Tan is complaining that this column is getting much too long. I will try to write again some time. Now I must beam myself back to Quaoar, where, I have to say, we never had metros. Alas, and this is fair warning to Filipinos, we insisted on an equivalent of your SUVs; alas, we too were governed by Asses, who ended up destroying our planet. Which is why we anthropologists are scouring the galaxies now for guidance from intelligent, even if lead-poisoned, forms of life.

Rufino's Letter

Posted by Vinia Datinguinoo 
PCIJ

Michaelangelo "Louie" Zuce is in the Senate, talking about what he says he knows about payoffs that were made to Comelec officials in exchange for ensuring President Arroyo's victory in May 2004. The former presidential staff officer and kin of ex-Comelec commissioner Virgilio Garcillano first made his story public on Monday morning in a press conference. On Tuesday he disclosed more details in an interview with PCIJ and ABS-CBN. (See " The messenger sings" and "Not once, but twice" posts.)

Late Monday, Malacañang issued to the media a statement signed by Zuce's former boss, Jose Ma. A. Rufino. In that statement, Rufino says he is "shocked and very much saddened by the wild accusations" made by Zuce.

I and my office have never been involved in influencing, much less bribing, Comelec officials to support Lakas-NUCD candidates including President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Rufino appealed to Zuce "to retract his falsehoods." 

Read Rufino's statement here.

Credibility

Reforms require credibility of implementors

Inquirer News Service

THE CURRENT political crisis is yet another strong reminder of the need for strengthening the institutions of this country. Of primary importance here is, at the very least, creating an impression that this is a country where laws are superior to the people who are supposed to implement them; this is necessary for the successful formulation and implementation of urgent reforms.

The big question is: In strengthening the institutions of this country, where do we begin? Our answer: we begin with the resignation of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. She has lost her moral ascendancy to govern. It disappeared with the admission that she talked with an official of the Commission on Elections during the processing of election results. But even if we assume that the conversation did not in fact involve any impropriety, still it created the perception that irregularities occurred.

Are we asking too much of Ms Arroyo? After all, the allegations of electoral fraud have yet to be proven in the courts. We do not believe so.

First, assuming her administration sincerely wants genuine reforms, she should remember such undertaking requires credibility. How can reforms be effected if the person tasked with implementing them is herself lacking in credibility? And can they be implemented in an atmosphere of serious political uncertainty?

Second, her continued stay in office distracts other government institutions from focusing on their primary functions. A good example here is the House of Representatives. Instead of formulating laws, our representatives are immersed in long debates over the Gloriagate recordings.

And what will happen if the impeachment complaint surprisingly leads to an impeachment trial? Ms Arroyo, as an economist, knows that means spending precious time that could have been used for something else.

Finally, an extra-constitutional way of changing leadership is being suggested by not a few sectors. Is this something that we really want? The chances of avoiding the above can be enhanced with the simple stroke of a pen -- "I resign!"

We would like to conclude this by addressing two propositions brought forth by this turmoil.

The first assumes that no one else of the more than 80 million Filipinos (some of whom are successfully managing foreign corporations) other than Ms Arroyo, is capable of managing this country. This is a great insult to the Filipino people. In the first place, has Ms Arroyo really done a good job managing the country?

The other proposition is: The economy will collapse with the fall of the Arroyo administration. Sure, a new president exposes us to such risks, but are we not facing such risks already?

Economics is not the immediate problem. It's politics, stupid! (With apologies to former US President Bill Clinton.)

UPE RODRIGUEZ, AC CUEVAS and CONCERNED FACULTY MEMBERS, Department of Economics, University of the Philippines, Los Baños, Laguna

Quezon's Column

The Long View : First order of business

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

THE PRESIDENT'S decision to submit to her party's desire for Charter change ignores one central question: Should the President preside over the undertaking and related efforts? Unless and until the issue on Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's continued fitness for office is resolved, constitutional changes are inevitably, and dangerously, tied to her political fate. Since public opinion has overwhelmingly spoken in favor of the impeachment process, then let that issue be resolved through the impeachment process, before Congress turns itself into a constituent assembly.

To do otherwise-to insist on an accelerated process in which Congress defines the changes to be made, without consulting the public-is to prevent a national consensus from emerging. Without a national consensus, Congress faces a danger. That danger is not in the rejection of Charter changes in a referendum. (After all, one thing is certain: the amendments that Congress will come up with will have to be ratified in a plebiscite, in which public participation has been historically low, and in which the machinery of the ruling party has a tremendous advantage in getting out a "yes" vote.) The danger lies in a widespread public disappointment and suspicion that might greet whatever constitutional order emerges.

However, if the question of the President's fitness for office is resolved; if an advisory commission is put together and consults all sectors and regions; and if, by virtue of the consultations, a reasonable draft of potentially desirable amendments is submitted to Congress, then constitutional reform through a constituent assembly would not only be acceptable, but even desirable.

This scenario, I suppose, is what appeals to Prof. Jose Abueva, who has recently been criticized for going along with the President's proposals. Abueva has been a consistent and eloquent proponent of federalism, although the kind he proposes seems rather different from the kind members of Congress want. Nevertheless, Abueva's heading the consultative commission provides Congress a chance to show it is willing to hear the voice of the people.

In the meantime, Congress can focus on the budget, even as the House wrestles with the impeachment complaint in its justice committee. It is hoped that the matter would be resolved in a manner that inspires confidence-without the House deliberations or a Senate trial triggering a furious backlash from the public (in which case we'd be headed toward a revolutionary government, anyway). All the while, a constitutional consultative commission would have time for study, reflection and consultation. It should not be that only the provinces are heard (and not just the wealthy and well-positioned provinces favoring a federal setup). Other sectors must also be heard. As it stands, congressionally centered proposals do not take into consideration the views of the marginalized sectors, which should have a chance to participate in the debate.

What separates the proponents of Charter change within the government (representatives, governors and mayors) from those outside government is actually an idea often used by former President Ramos: the idea of "leveling the playing field." As proposed by the Speaker and accepted by the President, and loudly applauded by the Lakas-CMD, Charter change seems to be more of a means to establish a government by Lakas, of Lakas and for Lakas, than a way to broaden public participation and ensure greater opportunities for all, and not just a few. I do not believe there is already a public consensus on the particulars: for example, what kind of federalism should be instituted; is unicameralism the only way to go; or will a parliamentary government provide for proportional representation, or a winner-take-all system similar to the absolutely safe, and even for sale, boroughs of England during much of the 18th and 19th centuries?

So it all begins and ends, whether we like it or not, with the President. For those of us who feel she should resign, she has replied: "Impeach me." Most people seem inclined to call her bluff. So let her be impeached. And let it be done in a manner that will lead the public, on either side of the political divide, to accept willingly the results of the impeachment process. Rigoberto Tiglao recently challenged Rep. Francis Escudero to categorically state whether or not the opposition would abide by the result of the impeachment process. I'd argue that the decision lies not with either the administration or the opposition, but rather, with the public. The majority has as much responsibility as the opposition to ensure that the process ultimately ends up with a verdict acceptable to the public. The public knows fair play when it sees it. The public will know if the impeachment process has resulted, anywhere down the line, in something that makes sense or not.

Then, and only then, with the question of the President's fitness resolved, and the reputation of Congress improved because of its handling of the impeachment process, should we turn to the question of fixing the constitutional defects the President, former President Ramos and Speaker De Venecia claim are to blame for the country's woes.

* * *

On Aug. 4, 2005, from 9 a.m. to 12 noon, UP-ISP will be holding at the UP College of Law an iBlog Mini Summit titled: "Blogging Gloriagate." This is part of iBlog's discussion series, which intends to document the impact of blogging in Philippine society. Talks will be on: "Introducing Blogging Gloriagate" (Atty. JJ Disini)-10-10:30; "Blogging Gloriagate: The PCIJ Experience"-10:30-11; "Blogging Gloriagate: A Personal Journey" (Manuel L. Quezon III). It's free. Join us.

RP Needs Love

Filipinos don't love fellow Filipinos

INQ7.net

FILIPINO life has been restless since the world wars. It's too tiring. Too much politics in our daily life is poisoning the minds of future generation. How could we inspire the youth to make the nation a brighter side of the world tomorrow? The future seems to be dimmer for them; they would rather dream of working abroad when the time comes.

We have hardworking teachers and good education, but who benefits from these brains and hard work? Wasted time, wasted effort, wasted brains.

The primary Philippine export is its own people, because everybody wants to get out of the country. Getting away -- from pollution, overcrowding, protest rallies, rebels, kidnappers, high prices but low wages, and politicians -- is an easy reason to take the way out. But this would mean doing "the supreme sacrifice" of leaving the loved ones.

I admire how we care for family bonding. We would do everything to help our siblings survive. When I see Filipino professionals do low-paying jobs abroad, I can't stop asking myself, what went wrong? Are we destined to become domestic helpers, janitors, laborers of the world?

God gave us a great country, bright minds, scenic islands, and happy people, but why did God let us make Philippines so -- it may be becoming the hardest place on Earth to live. Filipinos have to sacrifice more to take care of the future of their families because the system will not allow and guarantee a brighter future for the children. Because of the shortcomings and incapacities of the system, we have to be slaves of the world to assure us a decent life in the Philippines.

If we sent the politicians to work as slaves around the world, then they would realize their shortcomings. A former president of the University of the Philippines and of the Senate who supported actors as candidates to lead a nation has nothing but personal interests in mind. A Senate president who publicly admits to corruption of his principles in a matter of days doesn't deserve to lead the Senate. Old-timers in the Senate are enjoying overstaying too much, improving their own lives while creating more misery for the poor.

Kindergarten politicians (like Panfilo Lacson and Francis Escudero) are wasting taxpayers' money by throwing mud at the government every day. Party-list representatives who were formerly shouting in the streets still shout against the government that they are supposed to help, now that they were given seats in the legislature. These people cannot be compared to the class of Arturo Tolentino and Blas Ople, who honestly served the people quietly and without grandstanding. I wish they were still there.

The problem of our land is the politicians who never care to find solutions to the agony of the dying nation. Greed and selfishness rule their hearts. Money rules their minds.

Filipinos only want a simple life, good job, a decent place to live, peace of mind, and a bright future for their children. We as a nation don't love one another. We don't care when we see fellow Filipinos sleep on the streets. We don't fight for our principles no matter what, we don't care that we have to be slaves of other nations. We have no self-respect and dignity as a nation. We never care for the future of our race. We never care for the future of our nation. We never care to be Filipinos at heart. Because we don't love fellow Filipinos.

If we and the politicians can do nothing to improve the quality of life of our nation in this period of our lives, then, I would say, it would be shameful to be a Filipino. God save this nation!

ARMAND PEREZ, 4-1425 West 70th Ave Vancouver (via e-mail)

GloriaGate Analysis

Posted by Yvonne Chua 
PCIJ

FOR those who'd like to bone up on the implications of the juetenggate and Gloriagate before President Arroyo's state-of-the-nation address (SONA) on Monday, the Institute for Popular Democracy, a political research and advocacy organization, has compiled the analyses it has written on the current political crisis.

The compilation, entitled "Gloriawatch" and downloadable in PDF format, includes Joel Rocamora's piece "Weteng for Reform," in which he predicts that the crisis should be the "last nail on the coffin of the country's bankrupt political system."

Rocamora stresses that the "Hello, Garci" controversy brings to the fore the problem not only with the electoral system. "What is in crisis is the whole system of representation, the heart of any democratic system," he says.

A local research consulting group, Stratbase, meanwhile, has put out a 20-page analysis on the crisis in time for Monday's SONA.

The paper, "Deconstructing the Crisis: The Real State of the Nation," states: "The problem of the Philippines is not just Gloria, it is far worse. The biggest problems we face now are the weaknesses of our institutions."

Stratbase laments that Filipinos are today stuck with captured political institutions, money politics, a fraudulent electoral system, a wanting political party system, weakened judiciary and law enforcement agencies and an "impasse-able" Congress.  

The research group proposes a way out: a broad alliance or social coalition for reforms.

Download IPD's "Gloriawatch" and Stratbase's " Deconstructing the Crisis."

Gloriagate Blogs

Posted by Alecks Pabico
PCIJ

LET a thousand (journalist) blogs bloom.

No doubt about it, the current political crisis rocking the Arroyo administration has made blogging, for all its unmediated, instantaneous and personal nature, an attractive reporting medium for Filipino journalists. Of course, the case for blogging journalists has already been made by the likes of Manuel L. Quezon III, Jove Francisco (By Jove!), Chin Wong ( Digital Life), Erwin Oliva (cyberbaguioboy), to name a few, even before we at the PCIJ started venturing into the blogosphere ourselves.

Recent welcome additions to the journalist blogging community are GMA Network's Howie Severino (Side Trip with Howie Severino), who has a blog on blogs today, and Philippine Daily Inquirer's editorialist John Nery (Newsstand). Much earlier, we also saw GMA reporters coming out with blogs of their own — Tina Panganiban-Perez ( crimson page) and Joseph Morong (Essays and Other Lullabies). The media network is said to be encouraging its reporters to go into blogging.

Another journalist has also been blogging anonymously since May at The Early Edition.

While the mainstream media based in Metro Manila seem slow in grasping the potential of blogging as an important addition to the journalistic toolkit, interesting developments have happened elsewhere. In Cebu, Sun.Star has spiced up its coverage of "Gloriagate" by launching the Citizen Watch: The Arroyo Presidency blog. There's also dyAB, the first radio station (as far as I know) that is complementing all its programs with blogs ( dyAB Abante Bisaya). 

Gloria's Fighting Words

(Text of Pres. Arroyo's Nationwide TV/Radio Address on July 7, 2005)

 

Mga Minamahal kong kababayan.

When I was young and my late father Diosdado Macapagal was president of our country, I thought of him as the "good guy" and his political opponents on the other side were the "bad guys".

Because of my father's influence, I had always thought of myself as on the side of the good. Thus, it is very painful for me to know that among many of our countrymen today, I have been demonized as the "bad guy." This is unfair, but it is a cross that God in His wisdom has given me to bear, so I will bear it. I have never questioned God's ways before, and I will not do so now.

When I first entered politics in 1992, little did I know that within a decade, I would become president of our country. And little did I expect that within another five years, there would be calls from civil society for my resignation from office or for the formation of a "Truth Commission" regarding some of my political actuations.

When I spoke before the nation some two weeks ago, I did so against the advice of my legal counsel. But I thought that speaking before you, the Filipino people, was the right thing to do. Shameless people have peddled the lie that I confessed to cheating. What I disclosed was that I talked to an election official. But that this had taken place after the certificates of canvas had already been used to proclaim the winning senators, and it was those same certificates of canvass that showed that I won by around a million votes. That is the truth.

Indeed, it is right for our country to confront the truth, but if we do so, let's confront the biggest, most painful political truth. The big truth that we are aware of deep in our hearts, but that we collectively sweep under the rug. The big truth whose debilitating effects on our country, year after year, decade after decade, have developed into feelings of disgust, hopelessness and even despair among large segments of our society.

The truth that I discovered from my beginnings as a neophyte politician in 1992, rising to become a veteran politician through the years, is this: over the years, our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it is very difficult to live within the system with hands totally untainted. That is the truth. In addition, our system has degenerated to such an extent that more often than not, it is political agenda first, and national interest last. For example, we have endless investigations and scandals in aid of political and media projection, rather than in aid of legislation or executive action. That is the truth. Because of this system of politics, our country has been left behind by other countries in the region, and our best and brightest, the cream of our youth, are voting with their feet to leave the country. That is the truth.

I do not blame any individual or political block for this sad state of affairs. It is simply the truth that the political system that I am part of has degenerated to the point that it needs fundamental change. We are collectively to blame, so we must collectively be the solution. Let he who is without sin, cast the stone. To those who feel that they cannot cast the first stone, I invite you to help in the solution.

My proposed approach to reform our system of politics and governance is something that I had wanted to bring forth during the upcoming state of the nation address. However, because our country is hungry for a resolution to the political uncertainties that have plagued us these past few weeks, I will bring it up now.

First of all, I am not resigning my office. To do so under circumstances that connote an EDSA 3 would condemn any successor to the possibility of an EDSA 4, then an EDSA 5, and so on, unless our political system were first reformed to make it more responsive to the people's will, such that changes in leadership come about in an orderly and stable manner.

The world embraced EDSA 1 in 1986. The world tolerated EDSA 2 in 2001. The world will not forgive an EDSA 3 in 2005, but would instead condemn the Philippines as a country whose political system is hopelessly unstable. And the Filipinos as among the finest people in the world, but who always shoot themselves in the foot. Under those circumstances, who would invest money in the Philippines? How would we weather the difficulties arising from the price of crude oil being at its highest in history?

What I intend to do is to work with legislators and civil groups who believe that changes in the fundamental law of the land are necessary in order to confront such basic issues as federalism, the character of our legislative process, reducing red tape in government processes, running for public office under a true party system and with less need to raise campaign funds, modernizing the economic provisions of our constitution, and so forth.

At the same time, I will restructure and strengthen the cabinet, giving it a free hand to meanwhile reform and manage our day to day governance with as little political interference as possible, even from me.

This is how we will proceed.

First, I'm asking my entire cabinet to tender their resignation in order to give the executive a free hand to reorganize itself. I'll ask our sectors to give me the names of candidates that we can invite to replace those who will not return to the cabinet, or even to help out at other levels of the executive.

Second, the cabinet will be given a free hand on governance, while I focus on the fundamental changes that we need to put in place.

Third, I will begin to reach out to the political and civil sectors that have an interest in the various advocacies that are relevant to our constitution. Federalism, for example, is an advocacy that I had espoused long ago.

This is neither political ploy nor gimmick. I believe that this process will quickly lay the foundation for deep reforms in our society, including reforms in our political way of life. This would be a legacy that our generation of politicians and citizens could collectively be proud of. I now have grand children to play with and to help bring up. Like all of you, I want our children to grow up in a better Philippines. I have prayed on this, and I hope that I have discerned God's will properly.

Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat.

Cardinal Sin, 76

Jaime Cardinal Sin, 76
Former Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin passed away Tuesday morning after a lingering illness, DZMM reported. He was 76.
abs-cbnNEWS.com

Cardinal Sin dead at 76

Philippines' Cardinal Sin dies at 76 MSNBC  ... his death early Tuesday. "Our call to all the faithful is to include in their prayers the soul of Cardinal Sin," Sescon said.

Cardinal Jaime Sin Dies at 76 Los Angeles Times, CA  MANILA, Philippines -- Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Roman Catholic cleric who helped lead revolts that ousted two Philippine presidents, died early Tuesday.

Philippines Cardinal Sin is dead BBC News, UK  Cardinal Sin played a key role in the Philippines' transition to democracy following the lengthy dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.

Cardinal Jaime Sin Dies at 76 San Francisco Chronicle, CA  Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Roman Catholic cleric who helped lead revolts that ousted two Philippine presidents, died early Tuesday. He was 76.

Hello, Garci Ring Tone Download

Here are Mp3 and wav files of the Hello Garci ring tone:

Indymedia server:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (124.1 KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (72.1 KB)

Server Mirror 1:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 2:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 3:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

To save, right-click on the file and click save as.

Many thanks to QC Indymedia and Yuga of PinoyBlog and Ploghost for hosting the files.

Links to the entire tape are at the PCIJ blog.

How do I put it in my phone?

1. Download your choice by clicking any or all of the files.

2. Transfer the downloaded file/s from the computer to your phone using either an infrared connection or a USB-to-phone cable.

3. For those whose phones have GPRS/WAP access, point your phone's browser to www.txtpower.org and download it directly to your phone.

4. Once transferred to your phone, the sound file may be used as ringtone for calls or text messages.

Other options

1. Ask for file-transfer from friends who may already have the ringtone. Both your phones should have either infrared or bluetooth connections.

2. Join any of the future anti-GMA rallies and look for the TXTPower banner. Next big date is June 24.

3. Watch out for the TXTPower "Hello Garci" Ringtone Download Team when they go around offices, stores and tiangges, communities and schools!

Download Garci Ring Tone From TxtPower

June 17, 2005
Here are Mp3 and wav files of the Hello Garci ring tone:

Server Mirror 1:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 2:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 3:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

To save, right-click on the file and click save as.

Many thanks to Yuga of PinoyBlog and Ploghost for hosting the files.

Links to the entire tape are at the PCIJ blog.

ABS-CBN Download

 

You can download the controversial "Gloria-Garci" tapes from ABS-CBN Archive.

BIR's Resolve

Can Parayno Pull This Off?
By Miriam Grace A. Go
Newsbreak Assistant Managing Editor

THERE'S no doubt that the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) is making headway in its campaign to make people pay the correct taxes, in large part because the media have given it positive play. The public has generally understood the BIR's message: to tinker with one's income tax is to do so at one's peril.

So we asked BIR Commissioner Guillermo Parayno Jr. if he would dare run after friendly reporters when some of them turn out to have under-declared their incomes. He became visibly stiff, fell silent for a moment, and turned to the papers that piled up on his desk.

Was he insulted that his resolve was being questioned? Was he sizing up the NEWSBREAK staff, wondering if we wanted to be flattered? Finally, after several seconds, he looked us in the eye and asked, "Why would we give the media special treatment?"

We shared this anecdote with a businessman who had dealt with Parayno when the latter was still vice president and IT specialist of the Lina Group of Companies. "I don't think he was afraid that he would offend the reporters [that's why he fell silent]," he said. "He's just the type who is always deliberate. He's never spontaneous. He makes sure he's studied everything before he opens his mouth."

In fact, says the businessman, Parayno's thoughtful, purposeful, and methodical style should give assurance to the public that the aggressive collection and prosecution campaign of the BIR is not for show. Supporters and critics of the commissioner, inside and outside the BIR, share this opinion.

His reputation precedes him. Parayno has excellent academic and professional credentials. He did well at the Bureau of Customs (BOC) from 1992 to 1998, and has been making waves in the BIR since he assumed the post in 2002.

A 1970 graduate of the Philippine Military Academy (magna cum laude), Parayno has studied warfare, psychology, business administration, economic investigation, and computer programming. A senior business journalist who had covered him over the years once pointed out, "If you're a tax evader, won't you feel nervous about that [Parayno's background]?"

At the BOC, he was credited for implementing the reform programs of the International Monetary Fund, privatizing some functions of the bureau, and computerizing the entire system. The argument is that, if he was able to put the tax collecting but graft-prone BOC in order, he would be able to do the same at the BIR. And this time—unlike at the customs bureau where, he told NEWSBREAK three years ago, his "sustainability measure did not work as planned"—he wants to make sure the reforms will be sustained even if he's "no longer in the bureau."

The BIR can't afford to fail. The agency accounts for 70 percent of the government's annual collection. In 2003, Parayno's first full year at the BIR, the bureau collected P424.27 billion, or P260 million more than its target for that year. It was the first time, since 1997, that the BIR had exceeded its collection target. Last year, the BIR missed its P476.3-billion collection target, but only by 1.31 percent.

"From the looks of it, he means business. Taxpayers are now more aware of their tax obligations," said a recently retired revenue district officer (RDO) who declined to be named lest his positive views on Parayno be misconstrued as cozying up to his former boss.

An innovation that Parayno introduced is taxpayer registration, payment of taxes, and submission of complaints against tax evaders through mobile phones. Another is the use of software that makes it easier for the central office to find mismatches in the income declarations of big taxpayers.

The tougher task, of course, is how to change mindsets at the bureau. Parayno admits that tax executives tend to favor striking compromises with delinquent taxpayers just so they can collect. One long-time BIR employee reflected this mindset when he tried to illustrate the advantages of a compromise. "A one-peso collection is different from a P1 million collectible. You might have to spend P2 million to collect that."

Making Parayno's mission easier to achieve is the lateral attrition law, enacted early this year, which rewards employees of revenue agencies when they surpass their target collection and punish those that fall short. With the institutional reforms that he has introduced, it would be tough for corrupt RDOs to get back at Parayno, the ex-RDO said. He was referring to the experience of Parayno's predecessor, Rene Bañez, who recorded revenue shortfalls after his reform program displaced a number of inefficient and allegedly corrupt RDOs.

Parayno tends to be a micro manager, according to those who have worked with him, and the commissioner himself sees this as a weakness. For a time, he was the one writing the BIR press releases and conceptualizing the posters for the tax campaign. He also admits: "I use up most of my time on problem solving, on systems and procedures. I tend to neglect the personal touch. I'm weak in administration [in that sense]."

But this single-mindedness is Parayno's asset, according to a consultant to local governments on tax collection and computerization. "You can be sure that when he focuses on something, he will get it done. I think he has already achieved his goal—that of scaring a small segment of the population to scare everybody else."

Parayno himself looks like he won't stop at anything. Before showing off his boxing prowess to the NEWSBREAK staff—a slam man is a fixture in his inner room at the BIR—he stressed: "Mayabang kami. We cannot accept defeat."