Monday, August 29, 2005

Party List Blues

PARTY LIST
Messing with the Party List

Favored party-list groups got more than a little help from the Comelec fraud squad.

by LUZ RIMBAN



STRUGGLING FOR RECOGNITION. Party-list groups like Bayan Muna, whose members are shown here, in an anti-U.S. rally, are taking a crack at electoral politics. [photos courtesy of Malaya]
PITY party-list organizations. Although Republic Act 7941 reserves 20 percent of House seats for these groups, which are supposed to be from marginalized sectors whose interests are not represented in Congress, the reality is that it is difficult for them to win votes. That's because Filipinos are still mostly uninformed about the party-list process and the Commission on Elections has done nothing in terms of a voter-awareness campaign to remedy the situation.

Based on the Garci tapes, however, it now seems that some party-list groups that President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo supported may have been counting on help from no less than a Comelec commissioner himself. In several instances, Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano was heard discussing the chances of at least five party-list groups getting seats in Congress: VFP (Veterans' Freedom Party), ALIF (Ang Laban ng Indiginong Filipino), ANAD (Alliance for Nationalism and Democracy), SMILE (Samahan ng mga Mangangalakal sa Ikauunlad ng Lokal na Ekonomiya) and TUCP' (Trade Union Congress Party).

"These were all publicly endorsed by GMA," says Ronald Llamas, national president of Akbayan, another party-list group. "They are all identified with GMA. There are no anti-GMA among the party-list groups mentioned in the tapes."

Two of these groups have already been proclaimed winners and are currently holding seats in the House of Representatives; Ernesto Guidaya represents the VFP, while Acmad Tomawis represents ALIF. The Cornelec is also expected to proclaim ANAD as another winner, meaning its first nominee, ex-communist-turned-vigilante Jun Alcover, will soon have a seat in Congress.

The VFP was proclaimed ahead of ALIF, having been among the 15 party-list organizations declared as winners by the Comelec on June 2, 2004. Sitting as the national board of canvassers for the party-list elections, ihe Comelec proclaimed 15 organizations as winners, resulting in 23 party-list representatives. But this was only a partial proclamation. At that time, the Comelec said it was suspending the canvass as it was still awaiting a final Certificate of Canvass from the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

FAVORED GROUPS FIRST?
The next day, June 3, Garcillano is recorded as having called up someone named Lyn and telling her, "Ipaalala mo kay Romy meron silang reward niyan pero 'wag maingay...Meron pa kasing isa pa sana kung pupuwede pero hindi ko alam meron silang ikakuwan, 'yung SMILE din ke kuwan pa naman 'yan, sa kaibigan diyan sa tabi. Pero 'yung isa sigurado na 'yun...Pagkatapos ng kuwan, tatanungin ko pa 'yung isa. (Remind Romy they have a reward but that they should keep silent...There's still another one that could be included] but I don't know if they have...and then there's SMILE, which is our friend's. But one's already for sure...Later, I'm going to ask about the other one.)" SMILE, which represents small and medium-scale businesses, including vendors and service providers, had former bastketball star Ramon Fernandez as a nominee.

Five days later, a certain Ruben called up Garcillano, asking, "Papaano 'yimg ano natin, sa party list (so how's our, you know, in the party list)?" The commissioner replied he could not do anything yet because " wala pang usapan ang mga tao tungkol diyan (there hasn't been talk about that yet)." But Ruben pressed on, asking specifically about TUCP and ANAD. TUCP is the party-list arm of the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines, which has had its former secretary-general, Ernesto 'Boy' Herrera, become senator in the past.

Garcillano told Ruben that doing anything would be difficult because the proclamation of party-list winner was over and expressed concern about being too aggressive in pushing forward "favored" groups — '" yung mga malapit" — since they could be noticed. Ruben then reminded him that the organizations he mentioned were "malapit 'yan ha kesa sa SMILE (they are more favored than SMILE)."

A few minutes after this conversation, Garcillano accepted another call that turned out to be about the VFP. The caller, an unidentified man, wanted to know if there was a chance the group could have another representative aside from Guidaya. Garcillano again said the proclamation was over, bul like Ruben die caller was insistent. Garcillano finally said that the number of votes garnered by the group had already been recorded and official; the implication was the figures could no longer be played around with.

Exactly a week later, on June 14, Garcillano accepted a call from another unidentified man who asked when something would be clone about "the party list." The commissioner replied that he was still working on it, but that " ang mauna siguro iyong ALIF. Pero gusto ko masabay-sabay (ALIF could be first. But I would want them proclaimed all at the same time)."

QUESTIONABLE QUALIFICATIONS
As it turned out. the Comelec did proclaim ALIF as a winner. But other party-list groups have since questioned that act. They note that ALIF was proclaimed alone, separate from the first batch, and ahead of another expected batch that to this day is waiting to be proclaimed. Why, the groups ask, did ALIF get special treatment? How did it get in, while other party-list organizations are still wailing for either their first or second nominees to be proclaimed?

As far as other party-list organizations are concerned, VFP, ALIF, and ANAD are among those vested interests seeking entry to Congress through a backdoor that has made a mockery of the party-list system. Long before the Garcillano conversations were made public, the party-list group Partido Manggagawa (PM) had already sought the disqualification of eight party-list organizations, including VFP, ALIF and ANAD, on the grounds that these did not meet the criteria for accreditation.

Had the Comelec been stricter in screening party-list candidates, these groups would not have had a chance in running in the elections. VFP is a reincarnation of the Veterans' Federation of the Philippines, a group previously disqualified from the party-list contest because it was an entity supported by the government. It changed its name to Veterans' Freedom Party less than a year before the elections. Its representative Guidaya was in fact a retired military man who used to head the Philippine Veterans' Affairs Office (PVAO), an agency under the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).

ALIF Representative Tomawis, meanwhile, was a party-list nominee of the Laban ng Demokrutikong Pilipino (LDP) in 2001. The LDP was disqualified then because it was clearly a traditional political party that was more than amply represented in both houses of Congress. PM asked the Comelec to disqualify ALIF this time because it violated one of the criteria for party-list accreditation: that not only must the party be marginalized, so must its candidate. "Tomawis is a big businessman engaged in overseas trucking, particularly trucking services in Iraq," the PM said in its petition. A number of party-list representatives see Tomawis's assumption as congressman as the most questionable of all the controversial party-list nominations.


VICTIMS OF FRAUD. The cheating in 2004 also affected radical party-list groups, like those above taking part in an anti-war demonstration.

The third group included in the petition for disqualification is ANAD, which is composed of former members of the notorious anti-communist vigilante group Alsa Masa. "It is in truth a project organized and an entity assisted by the government to promote an anti-communist position," the PM said.

How such groups were able 10 sneak in anyway has long been a frustrating mystery for other party-list organizations. Another puzzle is the suspiciously high number of votes certain first-time party-list groups obtained in Mindanao, particularly in the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao or ARMM. Since the Garci tapes surfaced, however, speculations have grown that negotiations were being made at the Comelec level, not only for questionable groups to be included in the race, but also for these to obtain votes afterward.

IMPROBABLE FIGURES
Just months after the May 10.2004 elections, party-list groups were already questioning the results in some provinces in ARMM, which also happens to be an area where Garcillano is supposed to be the most well-versed among the Comelec commissioners. At least two patty-list groups — PM and the Citizens Battle Against Corruption (CIBAC) — have since filed complaints with the Comelec on what they say are dubious election results. The most basic issue is the turnout of votes.

  • In Lanao del Sur, the number of registered voters was 273,011 yet the total number of votes cast for party-list groups was 279,927, which translated to a 100.3 percent turnout for party-list polls.
  • In Basilan, the total number of registered voters is only 150,282 while the total votes cast for party-list organizations was 163.385.
  • In Maguindanao, the total votes cast for party-list candidates was placed at 283,012 out of a total of 334,331 registered voters, equivalent to a high turnout of 84,65 percent.
  • In Tawi-Tawi, the total number of votes for party-list groups was 76,334 out of 120,402 registered voters, or a turnout of 63.4 percent.

Various party-list groups have noted the mathematical improbability of such figures, especially since the survey group Social Weather Stations predicted before the elections that the voter turnout for party-list elections would not he more than 40 percent. In Quezon City, headquarters of some of the biggest party-list groups and focus of intense election propaganda, the turnout of party-list votes was only 35 percent. Party-list groups wondered how the results could more than double in far away ARMM.

Interestingly, it was in Lanao del Sur where ALIF got the bulk of its votes. Comelec records show that ALIF got 116,489 votes in that province, representing more than one-third of total votes from there. This presents another statistical conundrum: there were 66 party-list organizations that competed, and there were at least three others based in Mindanao or having a Muslim constituency. How could an unknown, first-time organization like ALIF corner the lion's share in such a crowded field?

There were other suspicious results as well. In Basilan. the party-list topnotcher was the unknown Visayas Farmers Party or Agrifil, which got more than 90,000. The party-list group Anak Mindanao (AMIN) called the Comelec's attention to that "irregularity." Last September, the Comelec's first division responded; it said it was indeed statistically impossible for Agrifil to win because its papers showed that its base were the Western Visayan provinces of Aldan, Capiz, Guimaras, and Iloilo where it got only 11,464 votes. The Comelec said Agrifil "had no clear constituency" in Basilan and called for the investigation of the provincial election supervisor.

Shortly after the Garci tapes scandal broke out, Comelec chief Benjamin Abalos himself said that his office would prosecute the Basilan election officials responsible for the Agrifil votes. The decision, though, has yet to be implemented.

The Comelec has also failed in other things, particularly in being more transparent about the party-list count, which to this day remains unfinished. At the very least, party-list organizations are demanding accountability from the Commission. "They (the Comelec) are very evasive when we ask them about the last remaining COC (Certificate of Canvass) that still needs to be canvassed. They never came out with official statement of any sort regarding the conclusion of the party-list canvass," says Blanca Kim Bernardo-Lokin, second nominee of the party-list group CIBAC, which along with party-list groups PM, Butil, and Gabri-ela are awaiting proclamation of their second nominees.

Of course, the Comelec can always say it is besieged with a mountain of complaints from party-list groups — some with legitimate grievances and others without. Most of them are asking for a recount, presenting COCs showing they won enough voles for a seat in Congress.

Groups like Akbayan are wondering how the Comelec will deal with the situation. A recount has probably been granted since the Comelec is poised to proclaim new winners. But Akbayan's Llamas asks: "If they restore the votes of a group which says it was robbed of votes, then that means they have to take away votes from those who stole. We don't know how the Comelec is doing it, And we don't know either how the other party-list groups managed to scrounge for votes. Where are all these votes coming from?"

Parliamentary-Federal Scored

Against parliamentary-federalist system

INQ7.net

OKAY, since Congress and our own dear President insist on opening the can of worms known as the Parliamentary-Federalism versus Presidential-Centralized Government debate, I have been forced to read as much as I can about both sides, if only to feed my hunger for information, and to make sure, as a socially aware Filipino citizen, I can make an informed decision on the matter. After a rather lengthy debate with friends about it last night, here are the reasons why I'm against a change in our current system:

Parliamentary vs. Presidential -- I am against the parliamentary system because of its basic premise, which, when taken to its core essence and stripped of all rhetoric and nonsense says this: that the masses are stupid. Which we definitely are not. Sure, we've had lousy presidents, but, really, do we have much choice? I am against any system that seeks to take from the masses the power of directly choosing their own leader. We are not sheep. And we don't need a damn shepherd.

Federalism vs. Centralized Government -- This one's more complicated. My argument is threefold. The first one is socio-philosophical. The second one is socioeconomic. The last one is of feasibility and logistics. So I use bullet points:

• Federalism assumes two conditions: the "existence of a body of countries so closely connected by locality, by history, by race, or the like, as to be capable to bearing, in the eyes of their inhabitants, an impress of common nationality"; and "the desire for national unity and the determination to maintain the independence of each man's separate State."

We have the first condition (excluding locality). As my friend pointed out, we are differentiated ethno-linguistically (Tagalog, Cebuano, Moro, etc.)

However, we'll have a bit of a problem on the second point, or rather, the first part of the second point concerning "the desire for national unity." This is a terribly complicated debate but, in my perspective, I'm afraid of the consequences of strengthening ethno-linguistic pride at the cost of a national identity. As it is, we already have Muslim Mindanao entertaining the idea of becoming its own country. Our national identity, as it is, is really, really shaky at this point (I don't even really know what it means). So, I'm afraid of the political consequences of deliberately and literally tearing this country apart.

• Second, if the other regions have already branded Manila as "imperial," a federal system would only make matters worse. It is easier for a rich man to become richer. I'd say it would be the same for states. Given its huge advantage against the other regions in terms of the number of industries, businesses and other moneymaking ventures in this current system, a federal one would only give it license to keep more of the money it makes (in terms of taxes) for itself. It would only further solidify its current-role of dictating to the smaller regions what to do and how to run the country.

• Third, let us assume that my first two arguments are incorrect. How are we going to split up this country? Geographically? It won't work. Because it would be an artificial construct and would run counter to what is said to be the first condition for a federalist system (refer to above). Some groups, though they share a common history and belief system do not share a common locality. Ethno-linguistically? It still won't work, because to take this route you'd have to spend a huge, mind-boggling sum of money to displace a lot of people so that they may live with "their own kind."

Anyway, whatever decision a random committee would make concerning state separation will be an artificial construct (as opposed to one naturally created by history) and they're bound to make a mistake. As I see it, it is simply just not feasible.

One last thing -- at the very most, parliamentary-federalism would be a risky endeavor with no real and absolute benefits. If we do make a change towards it, it would be like a blackjack player saying, "Hit me" when he already has a 17 on his hand. Which is a gamble that may work really, really wonderfully or fail really, really miserably. I, for one, am not willing to take that chance.

VON RYAN CUERPO, 28 Makiling St., MMV, Burgos, Montalban, Rizal