Education

Commentary : Moving forward

Edilberto de Jesus
Inquirer News Service

"THE TRUTH that I discovered from my beginnings as a neophyte politician in 1992, rising to become a veteran politician through the years, is this: over the years, our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it is very difficult to live within the system with hands totally untainted. That is the truth."

This declaration, made during her address to the nation in the wake of the controversy over the "Hello Garci" tapes, was arguably the truest statement in the speech. And the saddest, because most people have apparently accepted as truth that the contest for political office requires getting one's hands dirty. Hence, their reluctance to cast the first stone at the President, especially when many of the rabble-rousers calling for the stoning offered even more worthy targets.

But the statement also undermines the claim that talking to a Comelec official was simply a "lapse in judgment." A veteran politician would accept such acts as part of the price exacted by our political process. The lapse was in overlooking the precautions to avoid getting caught. Unfortunately, the biblical injunction against casting the first stone, which she alluded to in her speech, is not an edifying line of defense for an incumbent President.

However, whatever the reservations about the President, there is clearly a strong public consensus against any recourse to unconstitutional measures. Those who have called for her resignation appeal to her better nature to spare the country the pain of a protracted period of political uncertainty and the consequent risk of stunting its growth.

She has declined, as is her right, to take this course. The issue is clear: Can she continue to discharge effectively her responsibility to run the government and to drive needed reform measures? To the extent that she can do this to the satisfaction of the public, she maintains a measure of control over her political destiny.

The appeal, released by officials of the Department of Education to the media on July 15, to keep the department insulated from the current political controversies provides the President with a platform for implementing urgently needed reforms in the education sector, which she has said would be a priority during her second term.

The DepEd witnessed last September a seamless transition between one administration and the next, ensuring that the momentum for reform continued without disruption. If the President is interested in maintaining this momentum, she might surprise the public by appointing Undersecretary Juan Miguel Luz as the next education secretary. Luz has served the DepEd for almost three years and has been a key figure in developing the DepEd Roadmap, originating some of its most innovative components, such as the hugely successful Brigada Escuela Program.

Second, the President can present as a priority measure a bill liberating the teachers from the mandatory obligation to staff the electoral process. This inequitable and onerous burden exposes the teachers to political harassment and the DepEd to political pressures on the appointment, deployment and promotion of staff. It has also been on the list of urgent priority reforms in education for well over a decade. Surely, if the President can mobilize her allies in the legislature to defeat any impeachment move, she should be able to persuade them to pass a measure that its own Educational Commission had recommended in 1992.

Third, the President can respond to the call from various sectors to reform the electoral system, beginning with the overhaul of the Commission on Elections. She created the problems with her appointments, and she must take the responsibility of addressing those problems. Christian Monsod and Haydee Yorac proved that it was possible to clean up the Comelec and keep it clean. Is it within the President's power to convince her appointees to step down so that the process of renewal can be accelerated? Or probably not. They may find no reason to resign, since she herself would not.

Reforming the Comelec, including the automation of the electoral process, is clearly the most challenging task. But it should not be as difficult as persuading the Senate to cooperate in its own extermination by supporting the move to a parliamentary system. More important, it goes deeper toward the roots of the "degeneration" of the political system that she bemoaned in her statement. Our problem is less the form of government than the electoral system and the practices that it has spawned and that we have tolerated.

The world recognizes our claim to be a democracy, because we enjoy the right to vote for our leaders in regularly scheduled elections. But guns, goons and, increasingly, gold (which can buy guns and goons, as well as government officials, both civil and military) have figured regularly in all of our elections. A few years back, some newly elected legislators confessed to shock and embarrassment when they found out that the post-election conversation in the congressional lounge focused on the relative retail price for votes in their respective constituencies.

No one can hope to win an election now without building up a war chest to fund a campaign. It can take only one election to turn the youngest and most idealistic politician into an instant trapo, beholden to those who made his victory possible. Once elected, the trapos can use the perks of office and the position of rule-maker to free themselves from their earlier patrons and to lay the foundation for building political dynasties.

Most of the contending parties in the current political controversy ought to agree on reforming the Comelec and the completion of the automation project as priority steps. Even the snap elections demanded by some groups make sense only on the assumption of a Comelec that can be trusted to supervise an efficient electoral process.

Whether we have a presidential or a parliamentary system, as long as the electoral process and the determinants of electoral success remain the same, we will be entrusting power to the tainted hands of the same breed of trapos. The parliamentary system may be even worse, since, normally, only those who have gone through the electoral muck and won can qualify for executive positions.

The appointment of a credible leader for the DepEd, the release of the teachers from their bondage as election servants, the automation of the electoral process and the overhaul of the Comelec are necessary-although not sufficient-steps to reform the political system. Their attainment would send a clear signal of the President's commitment to a genuine reform agenda and her capacity to keep the country moving forward.

Edilberto C. de Jesus is a former education secretary.

Transport System

Pinoy Kasi : ET takes the LRT

Michael Tan opinion@inquirer.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

IF other planets had intelligent life, they'd be producing anthropologists too. And if one of those alien anthropologists ever landed on Earth and checked with me on how they could quickly gain insights into a country's society and culture, I'd tell them to check out their metros, or urban rapid mass transit systems.

Let's imagine now one of these extraterrestrial (ET) anthropologists from the planetoid Quaoar (that's close to Pluto) landing on Earth. Courtesy of a transponder, she (female anthropologists are always bolder and more insightful) becomes one of us, taking every metro on earth, the "REC" button, built into her brain's frontal lobe, busily recording everything, including her thoughts on what she sees.

Let's imagine, too, having access to the notes from one such anthropologist recounting her visits to different cities on our planet, including Manila.

Political will

Earthlings, and especially Filipinos, like to use a term called "political will," which can be loosely defined as the determination of governments to do some good for their people. It's something difficult to measure, but I'm convinced now that a country's mass rapid transits -- whether they're present or not, how many there are, how much they cost, and the conditions they're in -- can be infallible indicators of political will.

Our data banks show that the most developed countries on Earth have such systems. These systems rapidly transport hundreds and thousands of people each day from their homes to their destinations: their workplaces, schools, places of worship, as well as parks, theaters and other recreational areas. The rapid transport allows people to arrive at their destinations fresh and alert and of positive and cheerful spirit.

The best part about rapid mass transit systems is the way they help to preserve the environment. Some developed countries, like the United States, still prefer individual transport vehicles, which means paying a heavy price in terms of their dependence on processed fossil fuels from Earth. These fuels are processed into something called gasoline to run their vehicles. Although the US produces its own gasoline, its demands are so heavy it still has to import the fuels. So precarious is its dependence on a particular region on earth that it has to go to war to keep its access open to these countries. Then, too, gasoline is a major source of pollutants with serious effects on earthling health.

In so many words then, mass transit systems tell us about how governments care about people's welfare, as well as their concern about preserving environmental integrity. The political will seems to have been exerted quite early in some countries: the London Underground, for example, was inaugurated way back in 1863.

Tale of two transit systems

So what does Manila's mass transit system tell us about their leaders?

Manila and the Philippines seem to have followed the lead of their former colonial master, the United States, with little effort to develop rapid mass transit. There are thousands of private vehicles, owned mainly by the rich and the middle class, but most Filipinos have to rely on a mass transit system consisting of dilapidated buses, usually passed on after use in Japan, and jeepneys, which used to be hailed as mobile works of art but are now drab smoke-belchers using low-grade processed fossil fuel called diesel.

Both bus and jeepney drivers are themselves worthy of study. My chemical scanner kept registering extremely high levels of lead in their brains, obviously coming from the fossil fuels. The lead impairs their intellectual capacities; even worse, many of them seem to be powered by a crystalline substance called "shabu," which keeps them awake, alert and unduly aggressive. Trips on these shabu-powered jeeps and buses can be major ordeals, passengers arriving at their destinations looking like survivors of a major inter-galactic battle.

A cleaner and more efficient mass transit system is being developed in Manila. A Light Rail Transit (LRT) was inaugurated in 1984, followed years later, in 1999, by a Metro Rail Transit (MRT). The two systems total 37 kilometers and were built over more than 20 years, certainly a revealing indicator of political will.

I've taken several trips on the two metro systems and I can say it's like visiting two countries. The MRT runs through a more modern part of the city, with an upper-middle class clientele. The trains can become quite crowded at certain hours but trips are generally quiet and uneventful, passengers wrapped in their own worlds with personal sound systems called MP3 players.

The older LRT runs through a run-down part of the metropolis. The trains are falling part, maintenance neglected perhaps because it caters mainly to a lower-middle class stratum. The ordeal starts even when purchasing tickets, with long queues and people constantly trying to break into the lines while other irate commuters scream expletives in protest.

Asses

Many LRT commuters have to take the jeepney or bus before getting on the trains, and it is clear the high levels of lead in their brains have affected them -- they seem unable to understand what it takes to board a train. Every train that arrives sets off a stampede, with commuters trying to squeeze in even when it's obvious there's no more space. Once, I saw the train doors suddenly shutting with a commuter's bag caught in between. Electronic sensors automatically reopened the door, giving the commuter a chance to pull her bag back ... but in the process, three more lead-poisoned earthlings tried to jump onto the train.

Trips on the LRT are tense. I was warned not just to watch my belongings but also my ass, an English slang term for the rear part of earthling bodies. The LRT stations do have a special section for females to board but all genders eventually end up on the same train, subject to the same risks of having their asses picked or pinched.

Asses are frequently on Filipinos' minds these days. One of their newspapers recently had a front-page headline about something called the Con-Ass, accompanied by the picture of someone's behind, but I am told the Con-Ass is a different matter, that it is meant to be a grand Convention of Asses. Here, ass is used as a Filipino term of endearment for politicians, yes, the ones who exert political will and decide on mass transit systems.

But I digress, and my friend Mike Tan is complaining that this column is getting much too long. I will try to write again some time. Now I must beam myself back to Quaoar, where, I have to say, we never had metros. Alas, and this is fair warning to Filipinos, we insisted on an equivalent of your SUVs; alas, we too were governed by Asses, who ended up destroying our planet. Which is why we anthropologists are scouring the galaxies now for guidance from intelligent, even if lead-poisoned, forms of life.

Rufino's Letter

Posted by Vinia Datinguinoo 
PCIJ

Michaelangelo "Louie" Zuce is in the Senate, talking about what he says he knows about payoffs that were made to Comelec officials in exchange for ensuring President Arroyo's victory in May 2004. The former presidential staff officer and kin of ex-Comelec commissioner Virgilio Garcillano first made his story public on Monday morning in a press conference. On Tuesday he disclosed more details in an interview with PCIJ and ABS-CBN. (See " The messenger sings" and "Not once, but twice" posts.)

Late Monday, Malacañang issued to the media a statement signed by Zuce's former boss, Jose Ma. A. Rufino. In that statement, Rufino says he is "shocked and very much saddened by the wild accusations" made by Zuce.

I and my office have never been involved in influencing, much less bribing, Comelec officials to support Lakas-NUCD candidates including President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Rufino appealed to Zuce "to retract his falsehoods." 

Read Rufino's statement here.

Credibility

Reforms require credibility of implementors

Inquirer News Service

THE CURRENT political crisis is yet another strong reminder of the need for strengthening the institutions of this country. Of primary importance here is, at the very least, creating an impression that this is a country where laws are superior to the people who are supposed to implement them; this is necessary for the successful formulation and implementation of urgent reforms.

The big question is: In strengthening the institutions of this country, where do we begin? Our answer: we begin with the resignation of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. She has lost her moral ascendancy to govern. It disappeared with the admission that she talked with an official of the Commission on Elections during the processing of election results. But even if we assume that the conversation did not in fact involve any impropriety, still it created the perception that irregularities occurred.

Are we asking too much of Ms Arroyo? After all, the allegations of electoral fraud have yet to be proven in the courts. We do not believe so.

First, assuming her administration sincerely wants genuine reforms, she should remember such undertaking requires credibility. How can reforms be effected if the person tasked with implementing them is herself lacking in credibility? And can they be implemented in an atmosphere of serious political uncertainty?

Second, her continued stay in office distracts other government institutions from focusing on their primary functions. A good example here is the House of Representatives. Instead of formulating laws, our representatives are immersed in long debates over the Gloriagate recordings.

And what will happen if the impeachment complaint surprisingly leads to an impeachment trial? Ms Arroyo, as an economist, knows that means spending precious time that could have been used for something else.

Finally, an extra-constitutional way of changing leadership is being suggested by not a few sectors. Is this something that we really want? The chances of avoiding the above can be enhanced with the simple stroke of a pen -- "I resign!"

We would like to conclude this by addressing two propositions brought forth by this turmoil.

The first assumes that no one else of the more than 80 million Filipinos (some of whom are successfully managing foreign corporations) other than Ms Arroyo, is capable of managing this country. This is a great insult to the Filipino people. In the first place, has Ms Arroyo really done a good job managing the country?

The other proposition is: The economy will collapse with the fall of the Arroyo administration. Sure, a new president exposes us to such risks, but are we not facing such risks already?

Economics is not the immediate problem. It's politics, stupid! (With apologies to former US President Bill Clinton.)

UPE RODRIGUEZ, AC CUEVAS and CONCERNED FACULTY MEMBERS, Department of Economics, University of the Philippines, Los Baños, Laguna

Quezon's Column

The Long View : First order of business

Manuel L. Quezon III
Inquirer News Service

THE PRESIDENT'S decision to submit to her party's desire for Charter change ignores one central question: Should the President preside over the undertaking and related efforts? Unless and until the issue on Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's continued fitness for office is resolved, constitutional changes are inevitably, and dangerously, tied to her political fate. Since public opinion has overwhelmingly spoken in favor of the impeachment process, then let that issue be resolved through the impeachment process, before Congress turns itself into a constituent assembly.

To do otherwise-to insist on an accelerated process in which Congress defines the changes to be made, without consulting the public-is to prevent a national consensus from emerging. Without a national consensus, Congress faces a danger. That danger is not in the rejection of Charter changes in a referendum. (After all, one thing is certain: the amendments that Congress will come up with will have to be ratified in a plebiscite, in which public participation has been historically low, and in which the machinery of the ruling party has a tremendous advantage in getting out a "yes" vote.) The danger lies in a widespread public disappointment and suspicion that might greet whatever constitutional order emerges.

However, if the question of the President's fitness for office is resolved; if an advisory commission is put together and consults all sectors and regions; and if, by virtue of the consultations, a reasonable draft of potentially desirable amendments is submitted to Congress, then constitutional reform through a constituent assembly would not only be acceptable, but even desirable.

This scenario, I suppose, is what appeals to Prof. Jose Abueva, who has recently been criticized for going along with the President's proposals. Abueva has been a consistent and eloquent proponent of federalism, although the kind he proposes seems rather different from the kind members of Congress want. Nevertheless, Abueva's heading the consultative commission provides Congress a chance to show it is willing to hear the voice of the people.

In the meantime, Congress can focus on the budget, even as the House wrestles with the impeachment complaint in its justice committee. It is hoped that the matter would be resolved in a manner that inspires confidence-without the House deliberations or a Senate trial triggering a furious backlash from the public (in which case we'd be headed toward a revolutionary government, anyway). All the while, a constitutional consultative commission would have time for study, reflection and consultation. It should not be that only the provinces are heard (and not just the wealthy and well-positioned provinces favoring a federal setup). Other sectors must also be heard. As it stands, congressionally centered proposals do not take into consideration the views of the marginalized sectors, which should have a chance to participate in the debate.

What separates the proponents of Charter change within the government (representatives, governors and mayors) from those outside government is actually an idea often used by former President Ramos: the idea of "leveling the playing field." As proposed by the Speaker and accepted by the President, and loudly applauded by the Lakas-CMD, Charter change seems to be more of a means to establish a government by Lakas, of Lakas and for Lakas, than a way to broaden public participation and ensure greater opportunities for all, and not just a few. I do not believe there is already a public consensus on the particulars: for example, what kind of federalism should be instituted; is unicameralism the only way to go; or will a parliamentary government provide for proportional representation, or a winner-take-all system similar to the absolutely safe, and even for sale, boroughs of England during much of the 18th and 19th centuries?

So it all begins and ends, whether we like it or not, with the President. For those of us who feel she should resign, she has replied: "Impeach me." Most people seem inclined to call her bluff. So let her be impeached. And let it be done in a manner that will lead the public, on either side of the political divide, to accept willingly the results of the impeachment process. Rigoberto Tiglao recently challenged Rep. Francis Escudero to categorically state whether or not the opposition would abide by the result of the impeachment process. I'd argue that the decision lies not with either the administration or the opposition, but rather, with the public. The majority has as much responsibility as the opposition to ensure that the process ultimately ends up with a verdict acceptable to the public. The public knows fair play when it sees it. The public will know if the impeachment process has resulted, anywhere down the line, in something that makes sense or not.

Then, and only then, with the question of the President's fitness resolved, and the reputation of Congress improved because of its handling of the impeachment process, should we turn to the question of fixing the constitutional defects the President, former President Ramos and Speaker De Venecia claim are to blame for the country's woes.

* * *

On Aug. 4, 2005, from 9 a.m. to 12 noon, UP-ISP will be holding at the UP College of Law an iBlog Mini Summit titled: "Blogging Gloriagate." This is part of iBlog's discussion series, which intends to document the impact of blogging in Philippine society. Talks will be on: "Introducing Blogging Gloriagate" (Atty. JJ Disini)-10-10:30; "Blogging Gloriagate: The PCIJ Experience"-10:30-11; "Blogging Gloriagate: A Personal Journey" (Manuel L. Quezon III). It's free. Join us.

RP Needs Love

Filipinos don't love fellow Filipinos

INQ7.net

FILIPINO life has been restless since the world wars. It's too tiring. Too much politics in our daily life is poisoning the minds of future generation. How could we inspire the youth to make the nation a brighter side of the world tomorrow? The future seems to be dimmer for them; they would rather dream of working abroad when the time comes.

We have hardworking teachers and good education, but who benefits from these brains and hard work? Wasted time, wasted effort, wasted brains.

The primary Philippine export is its own people, because everybody wants to get out of the country. Getting away -- from pollution, overcrowding, protest rallies, rebels, kidnappers, high prices but low wages, and politicians -- is an easy reason to take the way out. But this would mean doing "the supreme sacrifice" of leaving the loved ones.

I admire how we care for family bonding. We would do everything to help our siblings survive. When I see Filipino professionals do low-paying jobs abroad, I can't stop asking myself, what went wrong? Are we destined to become domestic helpers, janitors, laborers of the world?

God gave us a great country, bright minds, scenic islands, and happy people, but why did God let us make Philippines so -- it may be becoming the hardest place on Earth to live. Filipinos have to sacrifice more to take care of the future of their families because the system will not allow and guarantee a brighter future for the children. Because of the shortcomings and incapacities of the system, we have to be slaves of the world to assure us a decent life in the Philippines.

If we sent the politicians to work as slaves around the world, then they would realize their shortcomings. A former president of the University of the Philippines and of the Senate who supported actors as candidates to lead a nation has nothing but personal interests in mind. A Senate president who publicly admits to corruption of his principles in a matter of days doesn't deserve to lead the Senate. Old-timers in the Senate are enjoying overstaying too much, improving their own lives while creating more misery for the poor.

Kindergarten politicians (like Panfilo Lacson and Francis Escudero) are wasting taxpayers' money by throwing mud at the government every day. Party-list representatives who were formerly shouting in the streets still shout against the government that they are supposed to help, now that they were given seats in the legislature. These people cannot be compared to the class of Arturo Tolentino and Blas Ople, who honestly served the people quietly and without grandstanding. I wish they were still there.

The problem of our land is the politicians who never care to find solutions to the agony of the dying nation. Greed and selfishness rule their hearts. Money rules their minds.

Filipinos only want a simple life, good job, a decent place to live, peace of mind, and a bright future for their children. We as a nation don't love one another. We don't care when we see fellow Filipinos sleep on the streets. We don't fight for our principles no matter what, we don't care that we have to be slaves of other nations. We have no self-respect and dignity as a nation. We never care for the future of our race. We never care for the future of our nation. We never care to be Filipinos at heart. Because we don't love fellow Filipinos.

If we and the politicians can do nothing to improve the quality of life of our nation in this period of our lives, then, I would say, it would be shameful to be a Filipino. God save this nation!

ARMAND PEREZ, 4-1425 West 70th Ave Vancouver (via e-mail)

GloriaGate Analysis

Posted by Yvonne Chua 
PCIJ

FOR those who'd like to bone up on the implications of the juetenggate and Gloriagate before President Arroyo's state-of-the-nation address (SONA) on Monday, the Institute for Popular Democracy, a political research and advocacy organization, has compiled the analyses it has written on the current political crisis.

The compilation, entitled "Gloriawatch" and downloadable in PDF format, includes Joel Rocamora's piece "Weteng for Reform," in which he predicts that the crisis should be the "last nail on the coffin of the country's bankrupt political system."

Rocamora stresses that the "Hello, Garci" controversy brings to the fore the problem not only with the electoral system. "What is in crisis is the whole system of representation, the heart of any democratic system," he says.

A local research consulting group, Stratbase, meanwhile, has put out a 20-page analysis on the crisis in time for Monday's SONA.

The paper, "Deconstructing the Crisis: The Real State of the Nation," states: "The problem of the Philippines is not just Gloria, it is far worse. The biggest problems we face now are the weaknesses of our institutions."

Stratbase laments that Filipinos are today stuck with captured political institutions, money politics, a fraudulent electoral system, a wanting political party system, weakened judiciary and law enforcement agencies and an "impasse-able" Congress.  

The research group proposes a way out: a broad alliance or social coalition for reforms.

Download IPD's "Gloriawatch" and Stratbase's " Deconstructing the Crisis."

Gloriagate Blogs

Posted by Alecks Pabico
PCIJ

LET a thousand (journalist) blogs bloom.

No doubt about it, the current political crisis rocking the Arroyo administration has made blogging, for all its unmediated, instantaneous and personal nature, an attractive reporting medium for Filipino journalists. Of course, the case for blogging journalists has already been made by the likes of Manuel L. Quezon III, Jove Francisco (By Jove!), Chin Wong ( Digital Life), Erwin Oliva (cyberbaguioboy), to name a few, even before we at the PCIJ started venturing into the blogosphere ourselves.

Recent welcome additions to the journalist blogging community are GMA Network's Howie Severino (Side Trip with Howie Severino), who has a blog on blogs today, and Philippine Daily Inquirer's editorialist John Nery (Newsstand). Much earlier, we also saw GMA reporters coming out with blogs of their own — Tina Panganiban-Perez ( crimson page) and Joseph Morong (Essays and Other Lullabies). The media network is said to be encouraging its reporters to go into blogging.

Another journalist has also been blogging anonymously since May at The Early Edition.

While the mainstream media based in Metro Manila seem slow in grasping the potential of blogging as an important addition to the journalistic toolkit, interesting developments have happened elsewhere. In Cebu, Sun.Star has spiced up its coverage of "Gloriagate" by launching the Citizen Watch: The Arroyo Presidency blog. There's also dyAB, the first radio station (as far as I know) that is complementing all its programs with blogs ( dyAB Abante Bisaya). 

Gloria's Fighting Words

(Text of Pres. Arroyo's Nationwide TV/Radio Address on July 7, 2005)

 

Mga Minamahal kong kababayan.

When I was young and my late father Diosdado Macapagal was president of our country, I thought of him as the "good guy" and his political opponents on the other side were the "bad guys".

Because of my father's influence, I had always thought of myself as on the side of the good. Thus, it is very painful for me to know that among many of our countrymen today, I have been demonized as the "bad guy." This is unfair, but it is a cross that God in His wisdom has given me to bear, so I will bear it. I have never questioned God's ways before, and I will not do so now.

When I first entered politics in 1992, little did I know that within a decade, I would become president of our country. And little did I expect that within another five years, there would be calls from civil society for my resignation from office or for the formation of a "Truth Commission" regarding some of my political actuations.

When I spoke before the nation some two weeks ago, I did so against the advice of my legal counsel. But I thought that speaking before you, the Filipino people, was the right thing to do. Shameless people have peddled the lie that I confessed to cheating. What I disclosed was that I talked to an election official. But that this had taken place after the certificates of canvas had already been used to proclaim the winning senators, and it was those same certificates of canvass that showed that I won by around a million votes. That is the truth.

Indeed, it is right for our country to confront the truth, but if we do so, let's confront the biggest, most painful political truth. The big truth that we are aware of deep in our hearts, but that we collectively sweep under the rug. The big truth whose debilitating effects on our country, year after year, decade after decade, have developed into feelings of disgust, hopelessness and even despair among large segments of our society.

The truth that I discovered from my beginnings as a neophyte politician in 1992, rising to become a veteran politician through the years, is this: over the years, our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it is very difficult to live within the system with hands totally untainted. That is the truth. In addition, our system has degenerated to such an extent that more often than not, it is political agenda first, and national interest last. For example, we have endless investigations and scandals in aid of political and media projection, rather than in aid of legislation or executive action. That is the truth. Because of this system of politics, our country has been left behind by other countries in the region, and our best and brightest, the cream of our youth, are voting with their feet to leave the country. That is the truth.

I do not blame any individual or political block for this sad state of affairs. It is simply the truth that the political system that I am part of has degenerated to the point that it needs fundamental change. We are collectively to blame, so we must collectively be the solution. Let he who is without sin, cast the stone. To those who feel that they cannot cast the first stone, I invite you to help in the solution.

My proposed approach to reform our system of politics and governance is something that I had wanted to bring forth during the upcoming state of the nation address. However, because our country is hungry for a resolution to the political uncertainties that have plagued us these past few weeks, I will bring it up now.

First of all, I am not resigning my office. To do so under circumstances that connote an EDSA 3 would condemn any successor to the possibility of an EDSA 4, then an EDSA 5, and so on, unless our political system were first reformed to make it more responsive to the people's will, such that changes in leadership come about in an orderly and stable manner.

The world embraced EDSA 1 in 1986. The world tolerated EDSA 2 in 2001. The world will not forgive an EDSA 3 in 2005, but would instead condemn the Philippines as a country whose political system is hopelessly unstable. And the Filipinos as among the finest people in the world, but who always shoot themselves in the foot. Under those circumstances, who would invest money in the Philippines? How would we weather the difficulties arising from the price of crude oil being at its highest in history?

What I intend to do is to work with legislators and civil groups who believe that changes in the fundamental law of the land are necessary in order to confront such basic issues as federalism, the character of our legislative process, reducing red tape in government processes, running for public office under a true party system and with less need to raise campaign funds, modernizing the economic provisions of our constitution, and so forth.

At the same time, I will restructure and strengthen the cabinet, giving it a free hand to meanwhile reform and manage our day to day governance with as little political interference as possible, even from me.

This is how we will proceed.

First, I'm asking my entire cabinet to tender their resignation in order to give the executive a free hand to reorganize itself. I'll ask our sectors to give me the names of candidates that we can invite to replace those who will not return to the cabinet, or even to help out at other levels of the executive.

Second, the cabinet will be given a free hand on governance, while I focus on the fundamental changes that we need to put in place.

Third, I will begin to reach out to the political and civil sectors that have an interest in the various advocacies that are relevant to our constitution. Federalism, for example, is an advocacy that I had espoused long ago.

This is neither political ploy nor gimmick. I believe that this process will quickly lay the foundation for deep reforms in our society, including reforms in our political way of life. This would be a legacy that our generation of politicians and citizens could collectively be proud of. I now have grand children to play with and to help bring up. Like all of you, I want our children to grow up in a better Philippines. I have prayed on this, and I hope that I have discerned God's will properly.

Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat.

Cardinal Sin, 76

Jaime Cardinal Sin, 76
Former Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin passed away Tuesday morning after a lingering illness, DZMM reported. He was 76.
abs-cbnNEWS.com

Cardinal Sin dead at 76

Philippines' Cardinal Sin dies at 76 MSNBC  ... his death early Tuesday. "Our call to all the faithful is to include in their prayers the soul of Cardinal Sin," Sescon said.

Cardinal Jaime Sin Dies at 76 Los Angeles Times, CA  MANILA, Philippines -- Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Roman Catholic cleric who helped lead revolts that ousted two Philippine presidents, died early Tuesday.

Philippines Cardinal Sin is dead BBC News, UK  Cardinal Sin played a key role in the Philippines' transition to democracy following the lengthy dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.

Cardinal Jaime Sin Dies at 76 San Francisco Chronicle, CA  Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Roman Catholic cleric who helped lead revolts that ousted two Philippine presidents, died early Tuesday. He was 76.

Hello, Garci Ring Tone Download

Here are Mp3 and wav files of the Hello Garci ring tone:

Indymedia server:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (124.1 KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (72.1 KB)

Server Mirror 1:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 2:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 3:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

To save, right-click on the file and click save as.

Many thanks to QC Indymedia and Yuga of PinoyBlog and Ploghost for hosting the files.

Links to the entire tape are at the PCIJ blog.

How do I put it in my phone?

1. Download your choice by clicking any or all of the files.

2. Transfer the downloaded file/s from the computer to your phone using either an infrared connection or a USB-to-phone cable.

3. For those whose phones have GPRS/WAP access, point your phone's browser to www.txtpower.org and download it directly to your phone.

4. Once transferred to your phone, the sound file may be used as ringtone for calls or text messages.

Other options

1. Ask for file-transfer from friends who may already have the ringtone. Both your phones should have either infrared or bluetooth connections.

2. Join any of the future anti-GMA rallies and look for the TXTPower banner. Next big date is June 24.

3. Watch out for the TXTPower "Hello Garci" Ringtone Download Team when they go around offices, stores and tiangges, communities and schools!

Download Garci Ring Tone From TxtPower

June 17, 2005
Here are Mp3 and wav files of the Hello Garci ring tone:

Server Mirror 1:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 2:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

Server Mirror 3:
"Hello Garci" ringtone, MP3 format (360KB)
"Hello Garci" ringtone, WAV format (197KB)

To save, right-click on the file and click save as.

Many thanks to Yuga of PinoyBlog and Ploghost for hosting the files.

Links to the entire tape are at the PCIJ blog.

ABS-CBN Download

 

You can download the controversial "Gloria-Garci" tapes from ABS-CBN Archive.

BIR's Resolve

Can Parayno Pull This Off?
By Miriam Grace A. Go
Newsbreak Assistant Managing Editor

THERE'S no doubt that the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) is making headway in its campaign to make people pay the correct taxes, in large part because the media have given it positive play. The public has generally understood the BIR's message: to tinker with one's income tax is to do so at one's peril.

So we asked BIR Commissioner Guillermo Parayno Jr. if he would dare run after friendly reporters when some of them turn out to have under-declared their incomes. He became visibly stiff, fell silent for a moment, and turned to the papers that piled up on his desk.

Was he insulted that his resolve was being questioned? Was he sizing up the NEWSBREAK staff, wondering if we wanted to be flattered? Finally, after several seconds, he looked us in the eye and asked, "Why would we give the media special treatment?"

We shared this anecdote with a businessman who had dealt with Parayno when the latter was still vice president and IT specialist of the Lina Group of Companies. "I don't think he was afraid that he would offend the reporters [that's why he fell silent]," he said. "He's just the type who is always deliberate. He's never spontaneous. He makes sure he's studied everything before he opens his mouth."

In fact, says the businessman, Parayno's thoughtful, purposeful, and methodical style should give assurance to the public that the aggressive collection and prosecution campaign of the BIR is not for show. Supporters and critics of the commissioner, inside and outside the BIR, share this opinion.

His reputation precedes him. Parayno has excellent academic and professional credentials. He did well at the Bureau of Customs (BOC) from 1992 to 1998, and has been making waves in the BIR since he assumed the post in 2002.

A 1970 graduate of the Philippine Military Academy (magna cum laude), Parayno has studied warfare, psychology, business administration, economic investigation, and computer programming. A senior business journalist who had covered him over the years once pointed out, "If you're a tax evader, won't you feel nervous about that [Parayno's background]?"

At the BOC, he was credited for implementing the reform programs of the International Monetary Fund, privatizing some functions of the bureau, and computerizing the entire system. The argument is that, if he was able to put the tax collecting but graft-prone BOC in order, he would be able to do the same at the BIR. And this time—unlike at the customs bureau where, he told NEWSBREAK three years ago, his "sustainability measure did not work as planned"—he wants to make sure the reforms will be sustained even if he's "no longer in the bureau."

The BIR can't afford to fail. The agency accounts for 70 percent of the government's annual collection. In 2003, Parayno's first full year at the BIR, the bureau collected P424.27 billion, or P260 million more than its target for that year. It was the first time, since 1997, that the BIR had exceeded its collection target. Last year, the BIR missed its P476.3-billion collection target, but only by 1.31 percent.

"From the looks of it, he means business. Taxpayers are now more aware of their tax obligations," said a recently retired revenue district officer (RDO) who declined to be named lest his positive views on Parayno be misconstrued as cozying up to his former boss.

An innovation that Parayno introduced is taxpayer registration, payment of taxes, and submission of complaints against tax evaders through mobile phones. Another is the use of software that makes it easier for the central office to find mismatches in the income declarations of big taxpayers.

The tougher task, of course, is how to change mindsets at the bureau. Parayno admits that tax executives tend to favor striking compromises with delinquent taxpayers just so they can collect. One long-time BIR employee reflected this mindset when he tried to illustrate the advantages of a compromise. "A one-peso collection is different from a P1 million collectible. You might have to spend P2 million to collect that."

Making Parayno's mission easier to achieve is the lateral attrition law, enacted early this year, which rewards employees of revenue agencies when they surpass their target collection and punish those that fall short. With the institutional reforms that he has introduced, it would be tough for corrupt RDOs to get back at Parayno, the ex-RDO said. He was referring to the experience of Parayno's predecessor, Rene Bañez, who recorded revenue shortfalls after his reform program displaced a number of inefficient and allegedly corrupt RDOs.

Parayno tends to be a micro manager, according to those who have worked with him, and the commissioner himself sees this as a weakness. For a time, he was the one writing the BIR press releases and conceptualizing the posters for the tax campaign. He also admits: "I use up most of my time on problem solving, on systems and procedures. I tend to neglect the personal touch. I'm weak in administration [in that sense]."

But this single-mindedness is Parayno's asset, according to a consultant to local governments on tax collection and computerization. "You can be sure that when he focuses on something, he will get it done. I think he has already achieved his goal—that of scaring a small segment of the population to scare everybody else."

Parayno himself looks like he won't stop at anything. Before showing off his boxing prowess to the NEWSBREAK staff—a slam man is a fixture in his inner room at the BIR—he stressed: "Mayabang kami. We cannot accept defeat."

 

Alternative Arroyo Download

Posted by Alecks Pabico

PCIJ
 

THE tsunami-like surge in bandwidth usage due to the unprecedented download requests for the controversial tapes has already forced the shutdown of one of our servers and those of the mirror sites that have been generously shared to us. However, thanks again to some of our fellow bloggers' initiatives, the files can still be downloaded via the following links:

Three-Hour Tape

• BitTorent: http://mininova.org/tor/55762 (160MB)
• RapidShare:
  1. Audio Set 1 (01-11) - 48.7MB
  2. Audio Set 2 (12-20) - 45.6MB
  3. Audio Set 3 (21-29) - 46.8MB
  4. Audio Set 4 (30-33) - 20.5MB

Paguia Tape

• BitTorent: http://mininova.org/tor/55788 (31MB, including text file of transcript)
• Windows Media Video: http://www.megaupload.com/?d=12LP7M2J (with subtitles)

PCIJ Download

Posted by Alecks Pabico, PCIJ 

FINALLY, here's the tracker to the torrent file of the three-hour tape, courtesy of Yuga and MLQ3, from which you can start seeding to have your own copy. You will need a BitTorrent client installed on your PC to download the content of the torrent file. With a DSL connection, download time is roughly about two hours.

 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |

6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 |

11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 |

16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 |

21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 |

26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 |

31 | 32 | 33

Gloria's Alleged Conversations

You can download the three-hour-three-CDs audio recording of the alleged telephone conversation between Pres. Arroyo and Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano through these 33 separate MP3 files provided by PCIJ:

1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33

 

For first-timers:  You can download by right-clicking on the links above and save each one to your hard disk.

Kapamilya Run

Registration Centers:

• Ayala Center (beside the Activity Center)
• Aboitix Express in E-Mall
• SM City (beside the Supermarket)
• Cebu City Sports Commission (Cebu City Sports Center)
• ABS-CBN Broadcast Complex, Jagobiao, Mandaue City

The P100 registration fee entitles each runner singlets, snacks and giveaways.

 

Pulso sa DYAB Abante Bisaya ug TV Patrol Central Visayas

Too ka bang Estados Unidos maoy utok sa pagbisto sa audio recording ni Pres. Arroyo?

Please text your answer to DYAB REACT (opinion) and send to 2366.

Weather Update

Southwest monsoon prevailing over Luzon and Western Visayas.

Metro Cebu: Occasional rains, winds will be light to moderate blowing from the southwest, coastal waters will be slight to moderate, temperature range 24 to 30°C (75 to 86°F).
 

More Weather