Historical Springs

Looking Back : Hot springs

Ambeth Ocampo aocampo@ateneo.edu
Inquirer News Service

WHEN you talk about hot springs in the Philippines, the conversation usually starts with the town of Los Baños (which literally means "The Baths" in English) in Laguna province and, of course, those in Tiwi town in the province of Albay. As a child, our family would visit the thermal baths in Los Baños regularly, staying in a place called Agua Santa [Holy Water] for a weekend. While most children enjoyed pools and water sports, I preferred cold pools rather than these hot dips that left me quite spent. Then there was that disagreeable volcanic scent in the water. I remember my first visit to the Bicol region, where we dared not try Tiwi where eggs were placed in a handkerchief and dipped in holes in the ground with hot water. After a few minutes, one asked for the rock salt and feasted on hard-boiled eggs. When I caught myself enjoying the Laguna hot springs a year ago, it dawned on me that I was approaching senior citizen age.

After resigning from the intrigue-ridden Emilio Aguinaldo Cabinet, the "Sublime Paralytic" Apolinario Mabini decided to retire in a place with hot springs. He did not go to Tiwi or Los Baños but settled briefly in a place called Balungaw, in the northern province of Pangasinan. Here he soaked and reflected on the fate of the country he loved. He looked back on his brief stay in government, once upon a time the closest and most trusted adviser of the president, then a sick disappointed man licking his wounds in a thermal bath. I visited Balungaw recently in the company of National Artist F. Sionil Jose, who brought me all the way to Ilocos and Pangasinan to show me the setting for his Rosales novels. It was a nostalgic trip back to the land of Frankie Jose's childhood; and it was a research trip for me because I had hoped to find the place where Mabini wrote those articles criticizing the government he had left. Those articles were so sharp that Congress considered limiting press freedom in the name of national unity and security. Funny how some things never seem to change even after a century.

I did not find Mabini's bath in Balungaw but I found the equivalent under the home of Paciano Rizal in Los Baños. After the execution of his brother Jose, Paciano joined the revolution and rose to the rank of general. In retirement, he settled in Los Baños and built a "chalet" designed by Andres Luna de San Pedro, son of Juan Luna. This simple one-bedroom home by the lake, with a view of Talim Island, is built atop a hot spring. Paciano had a makeshift pond built under the house where he took daily therapeutic baths. Today, the property is a historical landmark and shrine -- Paciano and his spinster sisters Josefa and Trinidad are now buried in the garden-visited during solemn commemorations. That's why I didn't find the guts to shed my formal barong and try out Paciano Rizal's hot spring. That's another item in a long list of things I plan to do before I die.

Kept indoors due to the heavy rains last week, I was thinking of the hot springs in Los Baños when I chanced upon a section on the therapeutic properties of certain springs in the Philippines while browsing the thick Volume 3 of the Report of the Philippine Commission to the President [of the United States], published in Washington in 1901. It may be a century old, but some parts of this report are still useful especially the detailed description of the land and people of the Philippines. I did not realize that hot springs differed because of the water: acidulated, carbonic, ferruginous and bicarbonated waters in Lanot springs, Daet Camarines; alkaline-bicarbonated waters in San Raimundo spring, Calauan, Batangas; sulfurous-sulphohydric waters in Mainit spring, Morong; bicarbonated-calcic waters in Candaguit spring, Cebu; sulphated sodic waters in Cabad spring, Lepanto and Quensitog spring, Tiagan;

Chloro-sodic waters in Salvadora spring, Benguet; chlorated sodic-calcic waters in Cotabato spring, Mindanao; chlorated, sodic, bicarbonated and calcic waters in Binobresan spring, Batangas; and finally sulphated, calcic, chlorated and sodic waters in Cauan spring, Tarlac. Many of the springs are in places I have never heard of and are just as obscure to me as the mineral properties of the water.

Filipinos are lazy about distinctions and speak in generic terms: all toothpaste -- no matter the brand -- is "Colgate"; all refrigerators are "Frigidaire"; all detergent bars are "Perla"; and soda crackers of any kind are "Skyflakes." Any bottled water is referred to as "mineral" without distinguishing between plain bottled tap water, distilled water, spring water, mineral water and purified water.

Surely, there is some difference here, but nobody seems to mind, Thus, the 1893 analysis of certain springs around the archipelago made me realize why people with certain ailments went to particular springs because each had a corresponding use: for drinking, bathing, inhaling, or all of the above. Each spring could be used year-round or only on certain months. Each spring provided cure or relief from a variety of diseases: from respiratory and intestinal ailments, skin problems, to menstrual disturbances, tuberculosis, syphilis, paralysis, rheumatism, anorexia, gout and even hysteria. I guess I don't have to find a historical reason to enjoy our hot springs. Any hot spring will do.

Develop Science

Commentary : Local science for large disasters

H.T. Goranson
Inquirer News Service

THE EARTH produces a reliable stream of disasters. Some, like AIDS, are chronic; others, like earthquakes or Hurricane Katrina, are sudden displays of natural force. In every case, it is expected that a well-financed relief effort will descend from a wealthier region. But importing assistance may not only be less effective; it might actually cause more damage in the long run.

When a tsunami hits, the first impulse is to bring in First World experts. Rescue is the initial priority, followed by ensuring food, shelter and medical aid. It is just a matter of getting things done, and it must be done the most effective way, so the operations occur according to the institutional philosophies of donor countries.

But siphoning the habits of one culture into another during a rebuilding process can trigger societal changes that are almost as damaging as the disaster itself, as happened in small fishing villages in the Philippines in the late 1970s.

In 1978, Typhoon Rita wiped out the fleet of handmade wooden fishing boats in a group of sea-dependent Philippine communities. Relief was fast and effective, consisting first of subsistence aid, followed by "restoration" of the fishing fleet. The old boats, which rotted every few years, were replaced by modern fiberglass versions with small gasoline engines. At the time, this was touted as a textbook case of doing things right.

The fishing economy rebounded and flourished -- but only for about 10 years. After that, the entire society collapsed. Over thousands of years, the culture had come to depend on the central role of boat builders. They were the anchor of society, acting in effect as priests, teachers and judges. Subsistence flowed according to their goodwill and was supported by conventions of sharing and trust.

After the relief effort, this complex human balance was replaced by a cash economy, and the power brokers became those who could dole out the rare, precious petrol. An entire culture was effectively destroyed by efficient relief.

This scenario has been repeated over and over in diverse contexts. The first impulse is to solve problems in the most established manner. But, lacking sensitivity to local dynamics, the outcome is severely compromised.

The solution seems simple: create and subsidize small science centers in regions at risk of disaster. The primary objective of these centers would be "normal" science, with missions and profiles that feed from their local context. At-risk regions would develop culturally appropriate ways to deal with the catastrophes most likely to affect them. In addition, local talent would be nurtured in its home context.

This philosophy would benefit places like New Orleans as much as Phuket in Thailand. Indeed, while it might seem as though there would be no problem of cultural transposition in the case of Hurricane Katrina, an examination of the tragedy reveals otherwise.

It has been overwhelmingly observed that the worst-hit people in New Orleans were poor African-Americans living in the city's low-lying districts. To be sure, many of these inner-city residents simply lacked the resources to evacuate easily. But it is beginning to emerge that many also preferred to stay in a social environment that they trusted rather than fleeing to safer, but foreign, surroundings.

Critics also cite the diversion of infrastructure funds and Louisiana National Guard troops to Iraq as contributing causes to the emergency. These factors clearly played a role, but, overall, if a body of scientifically inclined people from the inner city had been involved in flood control and evacuation planning, the consequences of Hurricane Katrina would certainly have been managed more effectively. By contrast, the inappropriateness of transplanting troops from Iraq into an emergency rescue operation is obvious.

The fight against AIDS -- a battle that depends heavily on social modification -- highlights in perhaps the clearest way the problems that always occur when local culture is ignored. Societal mechanisms simply cannot be adjusted without a crisp, practiced understanding of a culture. And this cannot be merely intuitive. It must be scientific, that is, based on the best methods and models.

For this reason, there should be two points of contact during a catastrophe. Groups of critical thinkers -- the "experts" -- should be on hand to advise on how to avoid second-order disasters. Even though many of them might not have studied the local culture, they can nonetheless provide guidance that has been informed by the world's most expensive infrastructure. At the same time, relief efforts should be managed by a local science center that is known and trusted by those in danger.

The implications of this approach extend far beyond disaster relief. A robust scientific establishment is the root of any economy, and there will be no real development in the Third World without it. An investment in local science is therefore a direct infusion into a community's growth potential, one that eventually will reward investors with new breakthroughs. After all, nothing is better for innovation than a scientist working outside conventional institutions, solving a problem that will save his or her family.

Project Syndicate

H. T. Goranson is the lead scientist of Sirius-Beta Corp. and was a senior scientist with the US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency.

Mercado's Column

Viewpoint : Crammed mail boxes

Juan Mercado
Inquirer News Service

PANFILO Lacson as male "Mata Hari," book shortages in provincial libraries, Cebu as example of how not to succeed and Korean-style bike lanes cram our mail boxes these days.

From San Mateo in California, Antonio Navales asks: "Why are we surprised at the reaction to the Federal Bureau of Investigation charges that three Philippine officials received classified reports filched by an employee, who passed them on to Senator Lacson's protégé, Michael Ray Aquino, who is a fugitive from murder charges?

"Even before the federal court unsealed the indictment, five officials-two more than the FBI pinpointed-had denied having done anything wrong. Aside from Lacson, former President Joseph Estrada, Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr., Rep. Roilo Golez and ex-Sen. Francisco Tatad "stood up to be recognized."

That's par for the course in our country where the 10 Commandments have been watered down into "10 Recommendations." And far too many of our elite instead live by the 11th to 13th commandments.

The 11th Commandment decrees: "Thou shalt deny everything." And the 12th adds: "Thou shalt not resign." And the 13th sums up the other two: "Thou shalt not get caught." The next few days will see who got nailed.

From Calasiao, Pangasinan, teacher Agnes Bacugan writes: "Re the column 'The Heroes We Never Were' -- I desire to be a hero as well, that's to save one or two souls from ignorance.

"At the Comprehensive National High School, I teach English. As library resource center custodian, I promote reading among my students. But a significant number of high school students can't even read! This is a disheartening reality.

"Enticing them to visit the library is difficult. I don't blame them. Like other schools, our library has a very slim collection of paperbacks and reference books.

"Could your Inquirer readers send one book each to Calasiao with a personal dedication? Perhaps, it's not too much to ask for. It's almost Christmas anyway."

This "promdi" dreams of promoting a reading culture. That may not be grand, as ambitions go in this country. But it is significant.

From Hong Kong, author Isabel Escoda (who also writes for Inquirer) reacts: "I forwarded Pangasinan's Agnes Bacugan's appeal to Dan and Nancy Harrington in California.

"They've been sending container loads of books for over 20 years now, even to Jolo. They often travel around the islands. Dan was once a Subic naval pilot. A former schoolteacher, Nancy gathers books mainly on math, history, science, English and literature when California schools change them every few years. That saves still-good books from being dumped into local landfills.

"Manila's given them some awards for their work. But much of it is unacknowledged and unappreciated. Their pilot schools in Paco and Dumaguete are most impressive."

Jobert Alcoseba from General Santos comments: "Your column rightly points out that Cebu City offers examples of how not to succeed.

"Mayor Tomas Osmeña's 'Crown Jewel' -- the 295-hectare South Reclamation Project -- is trapped in a costly desalination box to provide water. But if the column factored in the consequences of costly water in SRP, on bloated P6.3-billion loan, the quagmire would have been seen more clearly."

"SRP's problem is not the delay in the release of land titles, due to Talisay City claims for a 54-hectare slice. It will be water. If taps are dry, or water is too costly, investors [are going to] bolt," Investments Promotion Center's Joel Mari Yu cautions.

Cebu is water-short. To provide water for SRP, Osmeña must turn to desalination, an energy-intensive process. Even when oil was cheaper, desalinated water cost 10 times more than water piped from conventional springs.

But today, oil costs $70 a barrel. There are no prospects for early relief. The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries warns that bottlenecks in refining capacity will keep those prices high, even if they pump more.

Those hard facts scuttle Osmeña's claim that cash would roll in, once the titles are delivered. They won't. Not until the mayor solves the water problem.

Annual yen loan payments now total P600 million. That's 25 centavos out of every peso in city hall's budget. Among all local governments, Cebu City is strapped with the biggest liability, the Commission on Audit notes. Osmeña strapped Cebuanos with a per capita repayment tax burden twice that of nation's-no mean feat.

That will stretch out repayment headaches. That's why Osmeña talks of "a bargain sale" to ease the financial squeeze. But the bill will be picked up ultimately by the taxpayer.

"No city relishes being straight-jacketed into high-cost, energy-intensive water systems," Sun Star Daily wrote three years back. "And that's where Cebu is headed for."

A telecom engineer in Seoul writes: "From the Inquirer, I read about bike lanes that'll be put up in Metro Manila. We should learn how the Korean government spent tax money wisely in building their bike lanes.

"On the banks of Hangan River -- which cuts through Seoul -- both sides have broad bike lanes. I bike through these lanes Sundays. Hundreds use them for roller blade skating, jogging and strolling, etc.

"There are public toilets: clean, supplied with soap, water, paper towels. Exercise areas and sport facilities abound. Before the MMDA [Metropolitan Manila Development Authority] starts building those bike lanes, they better visit the one here in Seoul."

Lying Unlimited

As I See It : Lying is contagious in Malacañang

Neal Cruz opinion@inquirer.com.ph
Inquirer News Service

HOW can the sending of FBI files to the Philippines by Leandro Aragoncillo and Michael Ray Aquino be "espionage" when the information they contain is about the Philippines? And I don't understand why the two bothered to send them at all when all that information was already public knowledge here. Just go to any coffee shop frequented by journalists and camp followers from both sides of the political fence and you will hear talk of an "impending coup," of "disgruntled military officers" and of "troop movements." In fact, if you listen closely enough, you will hear certain characters say with certainty, as though they are in the know, that the coup would take place in a few days or weeks. These are what the American "spies" heard and reported to Washington -- and what Aragoncillo and Aquino allegedly stole and sent back here.

But they are not facts but dreams and wishful thinking of our homegrown steak commandos who do nothing the whole day but stay in coffee shops and spread rumors. Most of them have no jobs so they have all the time to concoct scenarios and spread them around like manure.

There are certain characters who, when you ask them the hour of the day, will answer like zombies, "Malapit na, malapit na," [meaning the coup is near] as if they are the ones giving the orders to the coup plotters. Any journalist can give you their names if you ask, but I won't name them here for the sake of charity. But while we laugh at them, the gullible Americans, alas, took them seriously. And due to the characteristic Filipino colonial mentality that anything American must be correct, the equally gullible Aragoncillo and Aquino fell for the trap, too. Now you have an idea why the US intelligence reports on Iraq's "weapons of mass destruction" were all false, most likely gathered by American "intelligence" agents from the camel camps of the Middle East.

* * *

Is lying a contagious disease? Judging from the way Malacañang zombies have been lying right and left, it would appear so. National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales has been caught lying like crazy on the venal Venable LLP contract. Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye has been caught lying not once, not twice, but many times, the latest also about the Venable deal. Ditto for the other denizens of the snake pit called Malacañang. They're all afflicted with the disease. Guess who contaminated them.

When the Venable secret deal (so secret that not even Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita knew about it) was discovered with Gonzales' signature on it, he prattled like a gangster in Alcatraz. When told that the P4.2-million monthly retainer fee for Venable was too much for a bankrupt Philippine government, Gonzales replied that the money would come from "private donors." When asked who these donors were, he replied that only President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo knew. When told that letting private donors and foreigners have a hand in amending our Constitution borders on treason, which is punishable by death, Gonzales announced that the Venable contract had been rescinded and that the three-month advance fee of P12.6 million would be refunded. When asked where the refund was, Gonzales replied that no money had been paid to Venable yet, and so there was nothing to refund.

If Gonzales had been strapped to a lie detector, it would have lighted up like a Christmas tree and all the buzzers and bells would have sounded off.

When the opposition demanded that President Arroyo fire him, Gonzales threatened that if he is fired, he would expose venalities about the opposition, adding, "What I know about them, wow!"

Gonzales put his foot in his mouth again there. It is his duty as a public official to expose any venality he knows about, and not use that knowledge to prevent himself from being fired. Now he is liable for a charge of obstruction of justice.

More likely, the threat was not intended for the opposition but for Ms Arroyo, a warning that if she fires him he would expose the wrongdoings he knows about her. In the first place, Gonzales would not have done what he did if he did not get his orders from the President herself.

As for the President, she knows that the Venable contract was full of venality and that the two of them are liable criminally, and so she ordered its rescission immediately.

But the cancellation of the contract and even the refund of the advance fee do not extinguish the crime. The crime has been committed and the criminals must face the music.

What this latest scandal shows is that it seems to be the policy of the Arroyo administration to go ahead with secret deals even if they are illegal and immoral. Whatever happened to transparency and public accountability? Rep. Ronaldo Zamora says there are nine other similar secret contracts.

If only for this, we should all resist with all our might all attempts to change our Constitution. For the Arroyo administration has shown that it would do anything, even invite foreign meddling in our sovereignty, just to change the Constitution. They must all have a very strong and sinister reason for wanting to.

Now that the treasonous Venable contract has been unmasked, the administration, especially the House of Representatives, should stop all moves to change our Charter. Almost 80 percent of Filipinos, the constituents of the congressmen, have said in opinion polls that they want neither Charter change nor a shift to a parliamentary-federal system of government.

Congressmen, obey your masters!

UN's Task

Posted by Vinia Datinguinoo 
PCIJ

ON behalf of the global civil society, Prof. Leonor Briones, Philippines convenor of the Social Watch network of NGOs, addressed the United Nations World Summit and asked world leaders to fulfill old and new promises.

"This General Assembly is not the time for more promises," Briones told the gathering. "The poor of the world cannot wait for 2015. Fulfill your promises!"

2015 is the year that UN member-states will report on the progress they have made on the Millennium Development Goals. The MDGs, laid down by the UN in 2000, are time-bound targets to meet the most urgent needs of the poorest populations, including halving the incidence of extreme poverty, reducing infant deaths, and achieving universal primary education.

 

The 2005 Human Development Report has said it is unlikely that the MDGs will be met, as hunger and inequality continue to be widespread and progress has been too slow.

Briones, a professor of public administration and former national treasurer, urged the international community to immediately take specific steps to aid the poorest nations in their efforts to overcome poverty. One of the most urgent of these, Briones said, is to grant debt relief to poor nations, not only those officially defined as highly indebted poor countries but even those described as "middle-income" but suffer from debt burden as well.

The debt crisis, she stressed, continues to hobble many countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, depriving their people of necessary resources that could have been channeled instead for human development.

"It has been two decades since the last global debt crisis," Briones said. "The babies who have survived are now 20 years old. They still carry the scars of malnutrition, inadequate education and poor health." 

Briones also called on the UN "to remind recalcitrant member countries" of their commitment to increase their levels of Official Development Assistance.

The 2005 World Summit ended on Friday, with, yes, promises.

Read the full text of Briones's statement.

Tiglao's Take

Commentary : Naivet‚ or hypocrisy?

Rigoberto D. Tiglao
Inquirer News Service

THERE has been a display of naivetè (some call it hypocrisy)-contrived or not-by the so-called Black and White Movement, over the political war that has raged in the past three months. The people behind the movement portray their stance merely as a search for truth.

But the election-fraud charges, which led to the drive for President Macapagal-Arroyo to resign and-after that failed-for her impeachment, didn't evolve just out of the blue. The core of the campaign to unseat the President (the so-called "Garci" tapes) didn't surface on its own. The jueteng witnesses (all admitted bagmen[woman] of gambling lords) didn't get conscience-stricken just suddenly in June, the reason they turned whistle-blowers. This mix of "exposès" and people is a major element of a political strategy.

The metaphor of a political storm is a bit misleading. The turmoil in the past months represents the big offensive initiated by three major political forces determined to unseat President Macapagal-Arroyo at all costs. The turmoil is not just the result of a confluence of factors and events. These camps have been ranged against her since Day One of her first term, continuously plotting to overwhelm the administration's democratic ramparts.

1. The Erap (deposed President Joseph Estrada) and FPJ (Fernando Poe Jr.) forces. They cannot accept the fact that a once popular president is in detention while the court deliberates on the corruption allegations against him. Indeed, for the first time in our nation's history, a former president has been put in jail. This unprecedented development-a quantum leap toward the strengthening of our institutions-has not been without cost. It is a major factor that explains the continuous political turbulence since 2001.

FPJ in the 2004 elections was their big hope to free Erap. They failed, and so they proceeded to implement their Plan B: discredit the elections and, they hope, in the resulting public outrage, pressure the President to resign. Who was the main disseminator of the alleged "Garci" tapes? Alan Paguia, Erap's lawyer.

2. The Communist Party and its front organizations. The Leninist-Maoist dogma calls for a two-pronged political strategy to capture power. First (the Leninist contribution) is to undertake moves to worsen the political situation, and especially "to split the ruling class." The strategy, which Lenin proved effective in Russia in 1917, is to create political chaos, allowing a well-organized party to easily capture power, with the middle forces acquiescing in fear or in the spirit of political opportunism.

Second (the Maoist contribution) is the so-called "mass line": Assume leadership of all anti-establishment causes in order to expand your organization and forge alliances with other political forces.

What has particularly incensed the Communist Party has been its belief that the President worked for its classification by the US government as a terrorist organization. This has reportedly wreaked havoc on the party's international network for fund-raising and transfers.

Jose Ma. Sison's strategy of a rural-based rebel army, combined with "parliamentary struggle," certainly has borne fruit. For the first time in any modern nation's history, Marxist-Leninist cadres are able to hurl vitriol against a democratically elected President, demanding her ouster in the halls of Congress.

3. Sen. Panfilo Lacson's forces. Having left Estrada's shadow and having grown out of his former role as Erap's chief enforcer, Lacson has emerged as a political leader in his own right, drawing Erap's ronins into his camp. At least, unlike the civil socialites hypocritically claiming they are only after the truth, Lacson never kept secret his desire or goal to have Ms Arroyo overthrown. As regular as the seasons, Lacson has continuously launched intense political blitzkriegs to crush the President's credibility with the end-view of unseating her.

The disclosure that Lacson had asked an Australian outfit to authenticate a three-hour tape before its existence was alleged by an ex-NBI officer bolsters suspicions that the "Garci" tapes were his project.

Other smaller forces have wanted to unseat Ms Arroyo since 2001; they are lesser predators like hyenas trailing the main pack: the remnants of the Marcos dynasty intent on preserving the wealth it amassed over 20 years; elderly, long-retired generals hallucinating over the Latin American, vintage-1960s juntas; and breakaway groups from the Sison-controlled Communist Party.

Look closely at the main features of the current political battle. What made the current campaign politically possible? The "Garci" tapes could have been acquired-and digitally manipulated-only by someone with an extensive intelligence background. What constitutes the main force of the impeachment camp in Congress? The leftist party-list representatives (10 of them) and prominent figures of the Erap camp, such as his former executive secretary Rep. Ronaldo Zamora. What is the main force in the street rallies, which are held with all agit-prop gimmicks? The Communist Party cadres and activists.

Miscalculating that the political war waged by these veteran forces was moving toward victory, a sector of civil society joined the fray. On July 8, hypocritically claiming it merely wanted to spare the President from further pain, its members carried out a blitz of press conferences to pressure her to resign. They thought the move would give them the leadership of the anti-GMA forces.

In this conflict, political clerics, civil socialites and greenhorn congressmen have pretended, or naively thought themselves, to be noncombatants out only in a spiritual search for truth.

He who rides the tiger cannot dismount, lest he be devoured, an old Chinese proverb says.

The three forces-Erap's, the Communist Party's and Lacson's-are the three tigers in the Philippine political jungle, out to devour the President. On Friday evening at La Salle Greenhills, it became obvious that former President Aquino, Dinky Soliman et al., some clerics and civil socialites have, wittingly or unwittingly, mounted these tigers.

Their group's name, Black and White Movement, fits them to a tee. They have chosen to be politically color-blind, and thus unable to discern the predators in the political jungle.

They will find it difficult to dismount. We hope that on the backs of these tigers, they will not be witnesses to the devouring of our democracy.

Secretary Rigoberto D. Tiglao is the head of the Presidential Management Staff.